MY THOUGHT(S) ON WAKING UP!
ARABIAN ISLAMIC CIVILISATION
 So-called Greco-Roman Civilisation ignored all other ancient and post-Christian Civilisations, but adopted the best from them without giving much credit to them or none at all! Am I still dreaming or did I really see how some Ancient Humans still live to this very day unaffected or uncorrupted by so-called Western and other civilisations, maybe are even still eating human flesh and drinking human blood as the leading Luciferian Lodges are still doing in modern times, the Skull & Bones, the Freemasonic Lodges, including some owned or led by so-called Jews, the British and other Royals, Black Magicians, Voodoo Sorcerers, by even Catholics and Christians ritually, and so on ?
 The White European ungrateful great universal Nation called Christendom pounced on Palestine, Mesopotamia, Babylon, Arabia, Egypt, Syria, Lebanon, Libya, the Maghreb, Yemen, Jordan, North, Central and South Africa, Hindustan, China, Indo China, Indonesia and other advanced civilisations and destroyed as much as they could or needed to; stole everything and made most world advancement theirs by giving them European names as if they were the originators, and trace all to Greece, Rome and Europe. Even the lands have changed their original names. Egyptians, for example, never knew a country called Egypt before the European hordes invaded them! They gave European names to most of the lands they conquered, or keep changing their names, and plundered, stole, and forcibly occupied all those lands to this very day while preaching racism all the time.  Â
 The Arab Muhammad made God Unique, and all religions to have the same roots and common values; abolished all racism and slavery in his first community and ruling State, after claiming to have perfected all previous religions, which he indeed did, through hallucination, human genius or an Angel of God as his wifeâs uncle confirmed claimed, as a Christian, was the long awaited Christian Prophet as predicted by Christ  Muhammad, after fighting each other, the wealthy Arabs and others, became the very best, the bravest fighter, the kindest, and most forgiving of his people who were of all religions of the time, but also the worst enemy of the Christian ruling empires that declared war on the religion he had had written down and checked during his lifetime in front of hundreds of witnesses; and thousands of Arabs and others memorised the entire Oral and Written Revelations or Inspirations called Islam by heart â a feature unique to Islam!  Â
 All ancient civilisations like the Vedic, Assyrian, Persian, Egyptian, Greek and Roman seemed to have crumbled down and fallen into dust and oblivion, but the Arab one did not as many other civilisations found Islam mesmerising and appealing to all masses as well as to their leaders and it was never forced upon them as Christianity was after all its conquests. They became the new Muslims by millions just as they are doing today. As a people, the Arabs are still here, speaking the same magical language of old after more than 1400 years, another unique feature of Arab Islamic civilisation.
 Muhammadâs most essential elements of that Islamic civilisation are still here for any honest historian or researcher to see and appreciate through its Way or religion, the magic of its language, its arts and sciences from Africa to Asia and Europe. The Arabs civilised Europe â an unbiased historical fact â although Europe has never stopped trying to destroy Islam and Muslims and hide their greatness and magical power. The War on Islam and Muslims goes unabated on all sides: decadent Christianity, materialism, Communism, and Zionism.Â
 Conquerors came and went away, overthrew the Arabs many times and continuously, but none managed to completely destroy that great civilisation, but they rather adopted in time, and gradually, if not Islam, its core values like peace, freedom, truth, justice and morality that were embraced by the greatest Egyptian and Mesopotamian civilisations that are today still Islamic more or less, as well as much of Eastern, Central and Southern Asia, even Europe, the Balkans and Russia more and more. They have all enriched their own past heritage with Islam and the magic of its spiritual language Arabic, keeping Muhammad alive in the hearts and way of life of some 1.7 billion souls, which today sadly face total destruction with the hegemony of modern bio-technical achievements in the hands of what many call the Synagogue of Satan, and decadent Christianity that lost nearly half of its followers due to materialist and ideological onslaughts. Do not let yourselves be fooled by believing and repeating ad nauseam that Christianity has the most adherents today â some 2 billion, they say!  Or that the Arabs mysteriously appeared from the uninhabited Arabian Desert in the 6th century of the Common Era.Â
BAFS
Wednesday 18 January 2023

Que
la frustration de GĂ©rald Darmanin doit ĂȘtre grande, au lendemain de
lâĂ©pilogue de lâimbroglio politico-judiciaire dont il nâest pas ressorti
grandi⊠Oui, que la frustration du ministre de lâIntĂ©rieur doit ĂȘtre
grande, au lendemain de lâexpulsion vers le Maroc de lâimam dont il
avait fait subitement lâennemi public n° 1, mais qui avait rĂ©ussi Ă
passer Ă travers les mailles du filet, lui infligeant un camouflet
cuisant au beau milieu dâun Ă©tĂ© incendiaire.
Eh oui, car le bannissement de Hassan Iquioussen
nâest pas marquĂ© de son sceau, mais de celui de la secrĂ©taire dâEtat
belge Ă lâAsile et la Migration, Nicole de Moor. En dâautres termes, ce
que la France a Ă©chouĂ© Ă faire, la Belgique lâa rĂ©alisĂ© hier, vendredi
13 janvier. Il faut dire que le Maroc a entre-temps fini par infléchir
sa position, acceptant de lui délivrer un laisser-passer.

« Cet homme est nĂ© en France, cette expulsion est un dĂ©racinement pour lui, ce nâest pas un retour et câest un vĂ©ritable exil. Sa vie privĂ©e et familiale est dĂ©finitivement disloquĂ©e », a aussitĂŽt rĂ©agi, en le dĂ©plorant vivement, lâavocate de lâimam Iquioussen, Me Lucie Simon.
« Aujourdâhui, câest une famille entiĂšre qui est sĂ©parĂ©e et qui ne pourra certainement plus ĂȘtre reconstituĂ©e, nous attendons le jugement sur le fond du Tribunal administratif de Paris, si lâarrĂȘtĂ© dâexpulsion Ă©tait annulĂ©, la France devra assurer son retour», a-t-elle soulignĂ©.
Comme de bien entendu, les deux proches voisins, la Belgique et la France, sâautocongratulent, se flattent dâĂȘtre enfin parvenus Ă bouter hors dâEurope leur nouvelle bĂȘte noire, en usant dâune langue de bois toute diplomatique.Â
Nicole de Moor sâest ainsi fĂ©licitĂ©e de « la bonne coopĂ©ration» avec la France, martelant : « Nous ne pouvons pas permettre Ă un extrĂ©miste de se promener sur notre territoire. Toute personne qui nâa pas le droit dâĂȘtre ici doit ĂȘtre renvoyĂ©e ». De leur cĂŽtĂ©, les proches conseillers de GĂ©rald Darmanin, qui auraient Ă©tĂ© mieux inspirĂ©s dâavoir le triomphe modeste, ont dĂ©clarĂ© : « Câest une grande victoire contre le sĂ©paratisme».Â
Crieront-ils Ă nouveau victoire dans le prĂ©toire, Ă lâissue de lâaudience du 16 fĂ©vrier prochain ? LĂ est la question⊠En lâespĂšce, câest Ă la justice quâil reviendra de trancher, aprĂšs avoir Ă©tĂ© saisie de la plainte dĂ©posĂ©e contre GĂ©rald Darmanin par Hassan Iquioussen pour « diffamation » Ă son encontre.
Rappelons quâil est reprochĂ© au ministre de lâIntĂ©rieur dâavoir qualifiĂ© lâimam du Nord de la France â avec lequel  il avait volontiers dĂźnĂ© en 2014, alors mĂȘme quâil convoitait la mairie de Tourcoing â sur Radio France, le 2 septembre, de « dĂ©linquant, fuyard et sĂ©paratiste », mais aussi dâavoir affirmĂ© quâil avait « des choses Ă se reprocher » et sâĂ©tait « soustrait Ă la dĂ©cision de justice ».
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La mosquĂ©e dâAgen, la plus grande dâAquitaine, ouvre enfin ses portes

De trĂšs belle facture, lâimplantation au coeur dâAgen de la plus grande mosquĂ©e dâAquitaine, magnifiĂ©e par une ornementation islamique remarquable, faite dâentrelacs en stuc et de faĂŻences incrustĂ©es sur ses murs, nâattendait plus que le ruban inaugural soit coupĂ© pour ouvrir grand ses portesâŠÂ
Mais câĂ©tait sans compter lâirruption dâun virus planĂ©taire ravageur, qui frappa durement en 2020 Ă toutes les portes, sâinfiltrant dans toutes les brĂšches, mĂȘme celles de forteresses imprenables ou dâenceintes inviolables, et devant lequel elle se barricada.
Longtemps portĂ©e par lâun de ses plus fervents promoteurs, Paul Chollet, le regrettĂ© maire de la citĂ© phare du Lot-et-Garonne, mort en pleine pandĂ©mie, sans avoir eu le bonheur de voir lâaboutissement de tous ses efforts, lâimposante et somptueuse mosquĂ©e de style mauresque aura dĂ» attendre trois annĂ©es interminables, qui parurent une Ă©ternitĂ© Ă la communautĂ© musulmane locale, avant que son inauguration officielle ait lieu.
Câest dĂ©sormais chose faite depuis samedi 14 janvier, un jour Ă marquer dâune pierre blanche pour lâimam Mohamed Nayma et les nombreux fidĂšles de la rĂ©gion.

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En prĂ©sence des membres de lâassociation des Musulmans de lâAgenais et de leur prĂ©sident Messaoud Settati, de la sous-prĂ©fĂšte, du maire dâAgen, Jean Dionis, de plusieurs Ă©lus, ainsi que de hauts dignitaires religieux dâautres obĂ©diences, la magie du coupĂ© de ruban a pu enfin opĂ©rer : elle a, en un seul coup de ciseaux, dĂ©verrouiller les portes de la plus grande mosquĂ©e dâAquitaine, la rendant accessible Ă tous, notamment aux quelque 3 000 fidĂšles quâelle est en capacitĂ© dâaccueillir.
A lâoccasion de cette inauguration en grande pompe, si fĂ©brilement espĂ©rĂ©e pendant trois longues annĂ©es, lâimam Mohamed Nayma a rendu un vibrant hommage Ă Paul Chollet, le premier magistrat dâAgen, lequel, jusquâau soir de son existence, Ă 94 ans, resta le « prĂ©curseur dâun grand humanisme » qui força le respect de ses administrĂ©s musulmans.

« Il a tant ĆuvrĂ© pour que ce lieu de priĂšre soit digne de notre communautĂ©. Je salue la prĂ©sence de son fils, Pierre Chollet », a-t-il soulignĂ©, avant de remercier chaleureusement les fondateurs et les gĂ©nĂ©reux mĂ©cĂšnes de « ce lieu de rassemblement contre la tentation de nous diviser », proclamant avec solennitĂ© : « Nous, les hĂ©ritiers, nous ne cĂ©derons jamais aux obscurantistes ».
Loin dâĂ©luder lâĂ©pineuse question du nombre insuffisant de carrĂ©s musulmans en France, lâimam Mohamed Nayma lâa abordĂ©e sans dĂ©tour, devant les autoritĂ©s locales, en conclusion de son allocution, Agen nâĂ©chappant pas Ă la pĂ©nurie criante qui sĂ©vit ailleurs, dans la plupart des cimetiĂšres de lâHexagone.
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Dieu est beau et aime la beauté
Aperçu sur lâart arabo-musulman

Dans « la Civilisation des Arabes », Gustave Le Bon, , estimait quâil suffit dâ«
un coup dâoeil sur un monument appartenant Ă une Ă©poque avancĂ©e de la
civilisation arabe (palais, mosquée, objet quelconque,-encrier, poignard
reliure dâun Coran) pour constater que ces oeuvres sont tellement
caractĂ©ristiques, quâil nây a pas jamais dâerreurs possible sur leur
origine. » Il peut y avoir une parentĂ© avec lâart de Byzance et de
la Perse, notamment si lâĆuvre date de la deuxiĂšme pĂ©riode du Califat de
Baghdad. Mais lâinfluence arabe reste trĂšs forte.
Un tiers de siĂšcle aprĂšs Gustave Le Bon, un connaisseur de lâart
arabo-musulman, Georges Marçais recommandait au lecteur de faire une «
expĂ©rience » :« Vous avez une heure Ă perdre ; vous feuilletez âŠune
collection de photos dâĆuvres empruntĂ©es aux arts les plus divers. Les
statues grecques succÚdent aux peintures des tombeaux égyptiens, les
paravents brodés japonais aux bas-reliefs des temples hindous. Tandis
que vous tournez les feuilles, vos regards tombent successivement sur un
panneau de plĂątre sculptĂ© pris dans lâune des salles de lâAlhambra,
puis sur une page de Coran Ă©gyptien, puis sur le dĂ©cor gravĂ© dâun bassin
de cuivre persan. Pour peu que vous ayez un rudiment de culture
artistique, vous identifiez immédiatement ces trois derniÚres images
comme appartenant Ă lâart musulmanâŠNous voulons y voir la preuve Ă la
fois de la personnalitĂ© de lâart musulman et de son unité⊠».
Jusquâaux pĂ©riodes tardives lâart musulman portait la marque de lâart
arabe des dĂ©buts de lâIslam. Cela tient lâimportance de lâarabitĂ©
-notion culturelle non rĂ©ductible Ă lâarabisme politique- dans la
civilisation musulmane, qui  est inhérente au Coran. Tout est parti en
effet de lâimpulsion religieuse qui fit de la RĂ©vĂ©lation la rĂ©fĂ©rence
premiĂšre de la civilisation musulmane qui incite Ă faire le bien, Ă
rechercher le vrai et à apprécier le beau.
La dimension esthĂ©tique est souvent soulignĂ©e dans le Coran :âLors
de chaque office, prenez votre parure avant dâaller Ă la mosquĂ©eâ(VII,
31 ; traduction de Hamidullah); â Oui, Nous avons assignĂ© Ă embellir la
terre tout ce qui sây trouve, afin dâĂ©prouver qui dâentre eux est le
meilleur Ă lâoeuvreâ (18, 7).
Nombreux sont les versets qui exhortent le musulman à se pénétrer du
spectacle de la beautĂ© dans le monde vivant qui lâentoure. « Il y a en
lui (le bétail) de la beauté pour vous quand vous les ramenez le soir,
et quand le matin vous le conduisez au pùturage » (XVI, 6) ;« Et ce
quâIl a produit pour vous sur la terre , variĂ© en couleurs, en vĂ©ritĂ©,
en cela, il y a un signe pour ceux qui sont capables de le remarquer » (III, 13) ;âNous avons embelli de lampes le ciel le plus procheâ (LXVII, 5).
Un des hadiths du ProphĂšte (qui sont les premiers commentaires du Coran)
souligne lâimportance de la dimension esthĂ©tique dans la nouvelle
culture: « Dieu est beau et aime la beauté⊠La vie religieuse elle-mĂȘme
alliait le spirituel Ă lâesthĂ©tique. Le premier minbar (chaire) de la
rustique mosquée de Médine était embelli par deux boules. Les soins
apportĂ©s pour lâembellissement des chaires donnĂšrent le coup dâenvoi Ă
la sculpture sur bois.
La reliure et lâenluminure du Coran firent lâobjet de tous les soins.
LâĂ©criture arabe sâest muĂ©e en calligraphie, art suprĂȘme qui en
sâĂ©panouissant dans les manuscrits, les inscriptions, les monuments est
vite devenu une spĂ©cialitĂ© musulmane. On lâemploie pour lâĂ©criture ou
comme tableau, sur les peintures ou sculptures murales, dans les
tissages. Le dĂ©veloppement de cet art, qui est nĂ© des soins apportĂ©s Ă
bien Ă©crire le Coran, Ă conduit Ă lâĂ©mergence de grands artistes comme
Ibn Muqla, qui vĂ©cut Ă Baghdad entre 885-940. Son talent Ă©tait tel quâil
Ă©tait considĂ©rĂ© comme « un prophĂšte, Ă lâart consommĂ©, comparable Ă
celui qui a été révélé aux abeilles pour faire leurs rayons de miel aux
cellules hexagonales ».
LâĂ©criture arabe joue un grand rĂŽle dans lâornementation et sâharmonise
merveilleusement avec les arabesques. Jusquâau IX° siĂšcle, on ne fit
usage que de caractÚres koufiques, ou de leurs dérivés, tels le
karmatique et le koufique rectangulaire pour des inscriptions tirées du
Coran.
LâĂ©criture arabe est tellement ornementale que les architectes chrĂ©tiens
du Moyen Age et de la Renaissance ont souvent reproduit sur leurs
monuments des fragments dâinscriptions arabes tombĂ©s par hasard entre
leurs mains, et quâils prenaient pour de simples caprices de
dessinateurs. Câest ainsi que des versets du Coran bien calligraphiĂ©s
firent leur entrée dans la sacristie de la cathédrale de Milan, sans que
leur sens soit connu, ni leur origine. Le portail de la cathédrale du
Puy-en Velay est orné de motifs arabes que Jean Marie Le Pen fut étonné
de dĂ©couvrir un 15 aoĂ»t, oĂč il cherchait Ă fuir les Arabes des
banlieues⊠Lâinfluence arabe est perceptible mĂȘme au nord de la Loire
dans lâarchitecture dâune petite Ă©glise de la vallĂ©e de Chevreuse
étudiée par Louis Massignon.
Lâart arabe fit aussi une bonne place Ă la couleur, « gĂ©nĂ©reux Ă©lĂ©ment de sĂ©duction ». Selon un philosophe arabe, citĂ© par Marc BergĂ©, «
lâĂąme portĂ©e vers ce qui convient Ă sa nature, sâattache, en raison de
son illumination, aux couleurs Ă©clatantesâŠElles lâamĂšnent Ă la sĂ©rĂ©nitĂ©.
Elles rĂ©jouissent le cĆur, satisfont la raison, avivent la pensĂ©e,
dilatent lâesprit et dĂ©veloppent les facultĂ©s ».
LâoriginalitĂ© de lâart arabo-musulman et son caractĂšre abstrait sont
manifestĂ©s dans le dessin arabesque., dont Baudelaire a pu dire quâil«
est le plus idéal de tous ».
A ses dĂ©buts, lâart arabe reproduit des motifs vĂ©gĂ©taux, fleurs et
feuilles. Puis la stylisation sâaccentue, lâinterprĂ©tation se fait plus
libre. A cĂŽtĂ© des motifs oĂč la nature est une source dâinspiration
(sinon un modĂšle), apparaissent peu Ă peu les formes purement
gĂ©omĂ©triques. Ce style gĂ©omĂ©trique, joint Ă lâutilisation dĂ©corative des
formes de lâalphabet arabe, devient lâĂ©lĂ©ment essentiel de
lâornementation musulmane et parvient Ă son apogĂ©e au XIV° siĂšcle.
Il consiste en« des entrelacs de courbes sinueuses qui se croisent,
se dénouent et se poursuivent sans fin, assemblages de droites au tracé
pur, horizontales sereines ou verticales élancées, pourraient sembler
rĂȘvĂ©s par des imaginations capricieuses. Mais toutes les lignes, toutes
les intersections sont mathĂ©matiquement calculĂ©es et font lâobjet de
traités de géométrie ». Du fait des progrÚs en mathématiques«
les artistes savent les formules précises qui leur permettront
dâentraĂźner les Ăąmes dans leurs douces rĂȘveries, des contemplations
apaisĂ©es ou des Ă©lans extatiques⊠». Le dessin se rĂ©duit Ă lâessentiel, «
à sa forme la plus raffinée, la plus intellectuelle, un pur jeu de
rythmes linéaires plus proche des mathématiques ou de la musique que des
arts plastiques. En sa pĂ©riode dâapogĂ©e, le dessin arabesque fait
penser à un contrepoint de J-S Bach, transposé dans le dessin ou la
sculpture ».
Nedjmeddine Bammate, qui rĂ©digea le chapitre sur lâart du livre de son
pĂšre HaĂŻdar, « Visages de lâIslam » (Payot en 1946), estime que«
par la simplicitĂ© de ses lois qui commandent Ă lâexubĂ©rance des formes
dĂ©coratives, câest aussi lâune des formes dâart qui expriment le mieux
la pensĂ©e musulmane. Celle-ci sâattache toujours Ă percevoir, au-delĂ
des apparences complexes et fugitives du monde vivant, lâordre divin,
absolu, immuable et, sous lâenchevĂȘtrement des sensations et des
pensĂ©es, lâunitĂ© de lâesprit ».
Ces formes gĂ©omĂ©triques ne sâadressent pas seulement Ă lâintelligence ; elles peuvent aussi Ă©mouvoir la sensibilitĂ©. «
Câest la rĂ©pĂ©tition des motifs qui donne son intensitĂ© Ă la dĂ©coration
par le dessin arabesqueâŠrĂ©pĂ©tition contribue Ă donner une unitĂ© Ă
lâensemble dĂ©coratif, en proposant au regard des points de repĂšre et une
certaine symĂ©trie, mais encore elle favorise lâĂ©closion des sentiments
mystiques. On sait en effet que, dans les arts plastiques comme dans la
musique ou la poĂ©sie dâinspiration mystique, lâun des procĂ©dĂ©s les plus
frĂ©quents est la rĂ©pĂ©tition insistante, le retour, obsĂ©dant jusquâĂ
lâenvoĂ»tement, dâune formule ou dâun motif qui ne vise pas Ă convaincre
la raison mais Ă exalter lâĂąme. Quel nâest pas lâeffet, sur le croyant,
de lâaffirmation impĂ©rieuse, catĂ©gorique, des articles de foi tirĂ©s du
Livre saint, lorsquâil les voit se dĂ©ployer Ă ses yeux en une frise
infinie ? »Â
TrÚs tÎt, les Arabes « pliÚrent la sculpture, la peinture, la
mosaïque à leurs propres tendances, caractérisées par la discrétion du
relief et le goût du « décor continu » mais « compartimenté » ».
Dans cette affirmation dâun art trĂšs marquĂ© par lâIslam, les Arabes «
nâavaient rejetĂ© aucune des techniques antĂ©rieures du dĂ©cor, tout comme
ils nâavaient rien Ă©cartĂ© de tous les trĂ©sors intellectuels, ou
religieux, qui ne sâopposaient pas directement au message de Mohamed ».
Ils « intégrÚrent et utilisÚrent ces techniques conformément à leurs
propres tendances qui, dâannĂ©e en annĂ©e, de siĂšcle en siĂšcle, et de
contrée en contrée, contribuÚrent à dessiner progressivement les
contours originaux de leur civilisation arabo-islamique ».
Ce qui fait que dĂšs le premier siĂšcle de lâhĂ©gire, la physionomie des
villes arabes portait la marque du nouvel art. Les voyageurs et
chroniqueurs Muqaddassi et Ibn JobaĂŻr en font des descriptions trĂšs
révélatrices.  Le premier, dans son récit sur Fustat (Le Caire) au X°
siĂšcle, fait une description de « âŠla mosquĂ©e dâen bas », construite par
Amr Ibn al Ass (compagnon du prophĂšte nommĂ© gouverneur dâEgypte) on y
voit son minbar dâune belle facture ; sur ses murs il y a quelques
mosaĂŻques. Elle repose sur des colonnes de marbre; elle est plus grande
que la mosquée de Damas⊠»
« La mosquĂ©e dâen haut, construite par les Tulunides, est plus vaste
et plus magnifique que celle dâen bas, avec de gros piliers portant des
arcs et des plafonds Ă©levĂ©s ; elle est en briques recouvertes dâenduit ;
en son centre est une coupole construite sur le modĂšle de celle de
Zemzem, et sous laquelle est un bassin dâeauâŠson minaret est en pierres ,
de peu dâĂ©lĂ©vation et a son escalier Ă lâextĂ©rieur. Câest un endroit
plaisant Ă voir. La limite entre le quartier dâen bas et celui dâen haut
est marquĂ©e par la mosquĂ©e dâAbdallah, qui a reçu la mĂȘme ordonnance
que la Kaâaba ».
Lâauteur compare avec la mosquĂ©e de Damas dont la renommĂ©e Ă©tait telle que lorsque le calife Mamoun demanda : «
choisis moi un joli nom pour cette fille » son conseiller répondit : «
appelle la la mosquĂ©e de Damas, car câest la plus belle chose ».
Les progrĂšs de lâart en Egypte depuis lâarrivĂ©e des Arabes avec Amr Ibn
al Ass furent permis par lâaccroissement du nombre dâartistes dont
Maqrisi publie les biographie qui montrent la transmission des « capacités des Arabes en dessin, et en peinture » (Gustave Le Bon).
Quant Ă Ibn JobaĂŻr, il donne une description prĂ©cise de la ville dâAlep
qui montre lâoriginalitĂ© de lâart et de lâarchitecture du temps du «
Califat arabe » :  « Nous arrivons à Alep dans la matinée du
dimanche 24 juin 1184. Ville dâune importance considĂ©rable, dont le
renom, en tous les siÚcles, a pris son envol. Bien des rois ont brigué
sa mainâŠCombien de passion ont bouillonnĂ©, combien de blanches lames ont
été tirées contre elles. Sa citadelle est célÚbre pour la puissance de
ses défenses, remarquable par sa hauteur, sns égale, ni rivale parmi les
forteressesâŠEn une vaste assise, câest comme une table circulaire,
posée sur le sol. Ses flancs sont en pierre de taille ; ses proportions
sont dâĂ©quilibre et dâharmonieâŠVoici le seuil de sa MajestĂ© Royale ;
mais oĂč sont les Ă©mirs hamdanides et leurs poĂštes ? ils ont tous pĂ©ri,
mais sa fin Ă elle, nâest point encore venue⊠»
Le grand voyageur (qui écrivait sa chronique un siÚcle avant Ibn
Battouta) décrit la mosquée, puis la Madrassa hanéfite accolée à la
mosquée. la plus considérable par sa construction et la rareté de son
architectureâŠsa muraille mĂ©ridionale sâouvre toute entiĂšre sur des
cellules et des chambres hautes, dont les fenĂȘtres sont voisines les
unes des autres. Tout au long du mur sâĂ©tend une treille de vigne qui
porte des raisins ; chacune de ces fenĂȘtres a sa part de ces raisins,
dont les grappes viennent pendre devant elle ; celui qui y habite nâa
quâĂ tendre la main et les cueillir, accoudĂ©, sans effort et sans peine.
La ville a quatre ou cinq autres madrassa et un hÎpital⊠»
De la ville dâAlep, lâhistorien arabisant Jean Sauvaget dira:« il
nâest nullement exagĂ©rĂ© de prĂ©tendre quâon est lĂ devant une des plus
anciennes villes du monde (XX° s av JC) et quâaucune autre localitĂ©
encore habitĂ©e et florissante ne peut sâenorgueillir dâun passĂ©
historique aussi ancien que le sien ». Cela montre comment lâart
arabe sâest insĂ©rĂ© harmonieusement dans cette citĂ© antique au
prestigieux passĂ©. Le mĂȘme, Sauvaget recensait, en compulsant, en 1932,
la volumineuse « Histoire de Damas » dâIbn Asakir, plus de 100 monuments
évoquant encore le passé artistique de la capitale omeyade entre le
VII° et le XV°siÚcle.
Lâart arabe des dĂ©buts de lâislam a Ă©tĂ© dĂ©veloppĂ© par les Omeyades
rĂ©fugiĂ©s en Andalousie oĂč « un palais arabe, comme lâAlhambra, avec son
extérieur sans décoration, son intérieur brillant mais fragile, nous dit
lâexistence dâun peuple galant, ingĂ©nieux, superficiel, aimant la vie
intĂ©rieure, ne songeant quâĂ lâheure prĂ©sente et abandonnant lâavenir Ă
Dieu. âŠrien nâest plus clairement Ă©crit que ce qui est Ă©crit en pierre
».
Mais dans les oeuvres dâart, il nây pas que la pierre qui parle: toute
oeuvre plastique parle Ă©galement Ă qui sait lâentendre. Les oeuvres
dâart de dĂ©tail aussi humbles soient-elles : vase Ă puiser de lâeau,
poignard, meuble et tous ces mille objets oĂč lâart se mĂ©lange Ă
lâindustrie peuvent figurer parmi les plus sĂ»rs documents que puissent
utiliser les historiens qui ne se contentent pas dâune banale
Ă©numĂ©ration de batailles, de gĂ©nĂ©alogies et dâintrigues diplomatiques.
Au Maghreb, le dĂ©veloppement de lâart sous les dynasties berbĂšres
confirme les conclusions fournies par lâĂ©tude des mosquĂ©es, madrassa et
citadelles en orient. A priori les Almoravides, nomades berbĂšres,
rustres, dans lâĂ©volution de lâart musulman dâOccident nâĂ©tait pas
disposés à laisser des traces durables dans la pierre. Et pourtant il y a
un art typiquement almoravide qui a commencé à se développer dÚs leur
arrivée au pouvoir au XI° siÚcle.
A cette pĂ©riode, lâart andalou se rĂ©sumait Ă lâAljafĂ©ria de Saragosse.
Les recherches à Murcie et à Malaga permettent de saisir la beauté de
cet art et dâen soupçonner la profonde unitĂ©.En Afrique du Nord, lâart
almoravide nâĂ©tait connu que par la grande mosquĂ©e de Tlemcen, et celle
dâAlger. Il y eut par la suite la dĂ©couverte Ă Marrakech de la koubba
dâAli b. Youssef, et lâĂ©tude de forteresses inĂ©dites ou mal connues, et
lâattribution du minbar de la Koutoubiya aux Ă©mirs almoravide. La
rĂ©vĂ©lation de tous les trĂ©sors dĂ©coratifs de la mosquĂ©e dâAl Qaraouiyn
de FĂšs permettent de juger de lâart des Almoravides dâaprĂšs des Ćuvres
égales et parfois supérieures, en quantité comme en qualité, à celles
qui avaient Ă©tĂ© rĂ©vĂ©lĂ©es sur lâart des califes almohades qui leur
succédÚrent au XII° siÚcle .
Les Sanhaja au voile (Lemtouna, Goddala, Messoufa) héritaient des
traditions artistiques des BerbĂšres sahariens, restĂ©es Ă lâĂ©cart de
toute influence arabe aprĂšs lâislamisation des berbĂšres. Selon Henri
Terrasse, « les architectures sommaires (pisé et pierre sÚche) étaient
fort infĂ©rieures Ă celles du Maghreb et a fortiori de lâEspagne. Leur
décor consistait en un ornement géométrique rectiligne des arts
familiaux berbĂšres. Le dĂ©cor monumental de lâIslam nâavait pas dĂ» les
toucher. Câest dâEspagne quâon fit venir toutes sculptĂ©es les stĂšles
destinées à marquer, au Sénégal, la tombe des grands chefs, faute
dâateliers locaux capables de tailler et de dĂ©corer la pierre. Les
Almoravides nâapportĂšrent avec eux que leurs goĂ»ts et leurs aptitudes
artistiques, sans traditions architecturales et décoratives capables de
former le fond premier de leur art dynastique et impérial ».
Ces réformateurs religieux sont arrivés du sud en champions de
lâorthodoxie malĂ©kite, dans un Maghreb oĂč le sunnisme malĂ©kite
triomphaient, puis dans une Espagne qui avait depuis longtemps rejeté
toute hérésie et qui ne comprenait guÚre que des Malékites. Aucune
raison spirituelle, aucun scrupule religieux ne pouvaient les empĂȘcher
dâadopter les formes de vie et la civilisation musulmane que leurs
conquĂȘtes allaient leur faire dĂ©couvrir.
Les forteresses et mosquĂ©es des Almoravides mĂȘlent des formes et des
techniques venues dâAndalousie Ă des traditions proprement africaines,
souvent venues de lâIfriqiya des Zirides et des Hammadides⊠DĂšs que
lâEspagne musulmane sera incorporĂ©e Ă lâempire almoravide, lâart de la
Péninsule va se répandre au Maghreb, dans les architectures civile et
militaire.
Ainsi, la naissance dâun art almoravide oĂč un fond berbĂšre et saharien
accueillit les apports andalous ressemble Ă ce qui sâĂ©tait passĂ© dans
les premiÚres périodes de la civilisation musulmane, quand les monuments
arabes (palais dâEspagne, mosquĂ©es du Caire), les Ă©lĂ©ments primitifs se
sont transformĂ©s en combinaisons nouvelles, quâil est impossible de
dire dâoĂč ils dĂ©rivent. Câest ce qui a fait dire Ă G. Le Bon que ââŠla
vĂ©ritable originalitĂ© dâun peuple se rĂ©vĂšle dans la rapiditĂ© avec
laquelle il sait transformer les matĂ©riaux quâil a entre les mains, pour
les adapter à ses besoins et créer ainsi un art nouveau. Aucun peuple
nâa dĂ©passĂ©, Ă ce point de vue, les Arabes.â
Dans toute civilisation la vocation de lâhomme est de participer Ă la
crĂ©ation, notamment dans le domaine de lâart, grĂące Ă son imagination
créatrice, qualifiée de faculté de « surhumanité ». A cet égard,
lâhomme se dĂ©finit par lâensemble des tendances qui le poussent Ă
dĂ©passer lâhumaine condition. On dit que « lâhomme est homme dans la
proportion oĂč il est surhomme ».
Cela est valable pour lâart arabo-musulman oĂč la dimension religieuse
est prĂ©gnante. Selon lâesthĂšte Ă©gyptien Bichr FarĂšs (auteur dâune thĂšse
sur « lâHonneur chez les Arabes », soutenue Ă Paris en 1932), «
lâartiste musulman, en façonnant lâinsoupçonnĂ©, fait Ă©clater la
frontiÚre du pouvoir humain pour célébrer, inconsciemment sans doute,
lâextraordinaire maĂźtrise dâAllah qui crĂ©e selon Son plaisir, Ă©tant Tout
Puissant, et qui ajoute Ă la crĂ©ation ce quâIl veut ».
Lâartiste et lâĂ©crivain ne font que traduire sous une forme visible les
goĂ»ts, les moeurs, les sentiments et les besoins de la sociĂ©tĂ© oĂč ils
Ă©voluent. Aussi libres soient-ils, leur crĂ©ation nâen est pas dĂ©terminĂ©e
par un ensemble dâinfluences, de croyances, dâidĂ©es, de traditions dont
la somme « lâĂąme dâune Ă©poque ». La mosquĂ©e Ă la fois temple, Ă©cole,
hĂŽtellerie et hĂŽpital rĂ©vĂšle lâoriginalitĂ© de lâart arabe oĂč sâexprime
la fusion complĂšte de la vie civile et religieuse. Tout en symbolisant
la libertĂ© de lâartiste Ćuvre, et sa capacitĂ© de crĂ©ation, lâoeuvre
dâart est lâexpression matĂ©rielle de lâidĂ©al de le sociĂ©tĂ© et de
lâĂ©poque oĂč elle a pris naissance. La part du religieux dans ces
influences contribua Ă donner Ă lâart musulman un caractĂšre fortement
spiritualiste et abstrait. Les goûts communs à tous les peuples
orientaux les portĂšrent ensuite Ă la profusion de lâornementation, Ă
lâamour des formes Ă©lĂ©gantes et des matiĂšres prĂ©cieuses.
N. Bammate souligne la forte imprĂ©gnation religieuse de lâart arabo-musulman :« Ă©pris dâabsolu, lâArabe est avant tout un homo religiosus. Son
sentiment religieux et moral domine ses conceptions esthétiques⊠» Sur
ces spĂ©cificitĂ©s de lâart arabo-musulman, le dernier mot doit ĂȘtre
donnĂ© Ă ce grand intellectuel musulman de Paris, oĂč il naquit en 1922,
aprÚs la fin de la résistance des musulmans du Caucase au communisme,
quâavait dirigĂ©e son pĂšre HaĂŻdar :« Câest dans lâabstraction
spiritualiste, dans la volontĂ© constante dâexprimer dans un langage
purement architectural ou décoratif les replis de la sensibilité, la
contemplation, lâextase, que se trouvent la signification esthĂ©tique de
cet art et sa valeur humaine, non dans un pittoresque brillant, parfois
facile, que le romantisme et le naturalisme ont trop souvent fait passer
pour lâĂąme de lâart oriental. »
Lâinsistance sur lâoriginalitĂ© de lâart arabe ne lui fait pas oublier la part des musulmans non-arabes :« les peuples Ă lâimagination moins abstraite que celle des Arabes, au
sens plastique plus vif, comme les Perses ou les Turcs, permirent le
développement de la miniature⊠». Bammate a pu donner la mesure de
ses capacitĂ©s Ă faire âparler la pierreâ dans la sĂ©rie dâune dizaine de
documentaires, intitulĂ©e âlâEspace de lâIslamâ qui lui fut commandĂ©e pĂ
la fin des années 70 par une télévision américaine. La qualité était
telle que le prĂ©sident dâune chaĂźne française, plus ouvert aux apports
de la âdiversitĂ©â (comme on dit maintenant) acheta les droits pour faire
découvrir toutes ces richesses artistiques au public français.
Plus modestement, bon nombre dâArabes Ă©loignĂ©s des foyers traditionnels
de lâIslam exercent leur art en sâinspirant Ă des degrĂ©s divers de cette
grande tradition artistique arabo-musulmane. On peut citer le sculpteur
algĂ©rien Rachid KorĂ©ichi qui fit travailler des artistes dâAlep pour
sauver de lâoubli les 25 tombes du chĂąteau dâAmboise, oĂč vĂ©cut lâĂ©mir
Abdelkader en compagnie de prĂšs de 80 autres personnes, entre 1848 et
1852; Naamane ZĂ©kri, alĂ©pin installĂ© depuis les annĂ©es 50 Ă Paris oĂč il
sâest fait connaĂźtre par son savoir-faire en calligraphie koufique
carrée; les irakiens Hassan Massoudi et Ghani Alani se sont fait
connaĂźtre pour leur talent de calligraphe; le peintre de Fallouga Sabbah
Mustafa qui expose en ce moment dans lâarriĂšre salle dâun cafĂ© de
Saint-Germain-des-PrĂšsâŠ
Sadek SELLAM
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New York : le Halal au menu des cantines scolaires, une dĂ©cision politique qui fait lâunanimitĂ©

Si, en France, la seule perspective dâafficher le Halal aux menus scolaires de nos chĂšres tĂȘtes blondes dĂ©clenche immanquablement des croisades islamophobes fiĂ©vreuses, de lâautre cĂŽtĂ© de lâAtlantique, il en va tout autrement⊠Vu dâAmĂ©rique, câest la laĂŻcitĂ© dogmatique et liberticide Ă la française qui paraĂźt indigeste.
Ainsi, Ă New York, la dĂ©cision du maire Eric Adams dâĂ©tendre lâoption Halal Ă toutes les cafĂ©tĂ©rias des Ă©coles publiques nâest-elle restĂ©e sur lâestomac de personne, nâa-t-elle fait enrager jusquâĂ la dĂ©raison aucun administrĂ© ou politicien, nâa-t-elle Ă©tĂ© instrumentalisĂ©e par aucune dĂ©magogie de caniveau. Bien au contraire, elle a Ă©tĂ© accueillie sous les applaudissements de tous.Â
ConcernĂ©e au premier chef par cette mesure en faveur du vivre-ensemble, prise dans le cadre du programme âCafeteria Enhancement Experienceâ Ă©laborĂ© par le Bureau du maire et le Conseil de New York, la communautĂ© musulmane nâa pas cachĂ© sa joie de voir le halal sâinviter prochainement dans toutes les assiettes de ses enfants, lors du moment de partage et de convivialitĂ© que reprĂ©sente le repas Ă la cantine.Â


Une volontĂ© politique qui en rĂ©jouit plus dâun Ă Big Apple, dont Afaf Nasher, la directrice new-yorkaise du CAIR, lâorganisation phare de dĂ©fense des droits civiques des musulmans amĂ©ricains et de la lutte contre lâislamophobie Outre-Atlantique.Â
« Chaque Ă©lĂšve, quelle que soit sa religion, mĂ©rite un dĂ©jeuner respectant ses prĂ©ceptes religieux. Pendant trop longtemps, les Ă©coliers et lycĂ©ens musulmans ont Ă©tĂ© contraints de sauter le dĂ©jeuner ou de manger un dĂ©jeuner non autorisĂ© par la religion », a-t-elle dĂ©plorĂ©, avant de souligner : « Etant moi-mĂȘme un pur produit des Ă©coles publiques de New York, je nâai jamais pu manger halal Ă la cantine. Aussi, je suis heureuse que les formidables efforts dĂ©ployĂ©s par notre communautĂ© musulmane pour exiger un accĂšs Ă©gal aux besoins de base, comme la nourriture pour nos Ă©coliers, soient rĂ©compensĂ©s, et je fĂ©licite dâautant plus chaleureusement le maire et son Ă©quipe dâavoir accĂ©dĂ© Ă notre requĂȘte ».
Extraordinairement fĂ©dĂ©ratrice, la dĂ©cision du maire de New York dâ« halaliser» les menus scolaires fait Ă ce point lâunanimitĂ© que les cris dâorfraie stridents, quâune telle mesure aurait inĂ©vitablement provoquĂ©s au pays de Voltaire, semblent sâĂȘtre perdus dans lâimmensitĂ© de lâocĂ©anâŠ
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 Research articles
On The Origin of Species: The story of Darwin's title
Abstract
The genesis of Charles Darwin's book On the Origin of Species by Means of Natural Selection, or the Preservation of Favoured Races in the Struggle for Life (1859) is well known, and the changes that it underwent in subsequent editions are well documented. However, less is known or has been published about the genesis of its original title and about the seven modifications that it subsequently underwent. That original title was much longer than the title of the unfinished big âSpecies Bookâ that preceded and inspired The Origin: Natural Selection. Why did Darwin use an extended version of this elegant, short title for The Origin? And what was the rationale behind the later modifications? Contrary to what is often claimed or implied, the criticism of his publisher, John Murray, does not offer the only and certainly not the full answer to the latter question.
Anyhow, you have a capital title, and some think this the most difficult part of a book.
âCharles Darwin, Letter of 5 November 1860.1A lacuna in the Darwin literature
Since the emergence of a Darwin industry, in the wake of the 1959 commemoration of the centennial of the publication of On the Origin of Species, analyses and reviews of this flourishing field of study have been published on a regular basis.2 However, whereas there exist excellent online resources about Darwin's work, an encyclopaedic and systematic online overview of the huge literature that the Darwin industry has produced and still is producing on Darwin's life, background, work and influence is sorely lacking.3 Such an overview could not only greatly help scholars in their research of classic topics in the study of Darwin, but might also allow them to identify topics that have not yet received much systematic attention, such as the âHistorical sketchâ that was added to the third English edition of The Origin (1861).4 As Johnson points out, âSomewhat surprisingly, little systematic attention has been paid to the Historical Sketch in the literature, as far as I can tell.â5 Even the most careful biographies âsay little about the genesis and various transformations of and motivations for the [Historical] Sketchâ.6
Much the same can be said about the title of The Origin: even the most careful biographies do not give a complete account of its convoluted genesis. Desmond and Moore merely point out that Darwin's publisher, John Murray, being a practical man, was âmore concerned with the titleâ (than with the orthodoxy of Darwin's theory).7 One page later, they add that Darwin's title âcontinued to evolve under Murray's selective pressure. It had slimmed down to On the Origin of Species and Varieties by Means of Natural Selection, when Darwin improved matters more by docking âand Varietiesââ.8 Janet Browne's account is longer but, as will be explained below, inaccurate:
At the last minute [Darwin] adjusted the title according to Murray's recommendation. Darwin's first suggestion was rather too complicated: âAn Abstract of an Essay on the Origin of Species and Varieties Through Natural Selection.â Common sense surely suggested to Murray that the words âabstract,â âessay,â and âvarietiesâ should go, and that ânatural selection,â a term with which Murray thought the public would not be familiar, ought to be explained. The agreed-upon title was, however, hardly less cumbersomeâOn the Origin of Species by Means of Natural Selection, or the Preservation of Favoured Races in the Struggle for Life.9
Both accounts overestimate the role of Murray in the long genesis of the title of Darwin's book and leave much undiscussed. I will start my own analysis with the title of the never-finished manuscript that Darwin wrote before he started writing The Origin: Natural Selection.10
Natural selection
Francis Darwin called the two sketches of his father's theory of evolution of the early 1840s (1842 and 1844) âessaysâ.11 However, that is not how Darwin himself referred to them. The first manuscript was a rough pencil sketch, but even the second, much longer version was still characterized as a âwritten sketch of species theoryâ.12 Likewise, in a letter to his wife, Emma, he referred to âmy sketch of my species theoryâ.13 Interestingly, a letter from 9 April 1843 from Charles Lyell was, on the other hand, already annotated with the remark âSpecies Bookâ.14
As is well known, Lyell was later instrumental in the publication of that Species Book (i.e. The Origin). On 1 May 1856, he suggested that Darwin should âpublish some small fragment of [his] data pigeons if you please & so out with the theory & let it take dateâ& be citedâ& understoodâ.15 For he feared that Darwin might be forestalled.16 The ever-vacillating Darwin half-heartedly agreedâhe had been sorting his species notes since September 1854âbut hesitated about the format in which to publish his theory.17 He was âfixed against any periodical or Journal, as I positively will not expose myself to an Editor or Council allowing a publication for which they might be abusedâ.18 He initially rather thought of âa very thin & little volume, giving a sketch of my views & difficultiesâ, although it was âreally dreadfully unphilosophical to give a resumĂ©, without exact references, of an unpublished work. But Lyell seemed to think I might do this âŠâ.19 He was âextremely gladâ that his good friend Joseph Hooker gave his blessing to such a separate âPreliminary Essay ⊠for Lyell seemed rather to doubt on this headâ.20 On 14 May 1856 he began working on this new âspecies sketchâ, although he was initially not even sure that he would publish it.21
Five months later, Darwin wrote to his second cousin W. D. Fox that when he began writing this sketch or essay, he had found it such unsatisfactory work that he had desisted and instead was ânow drawing up [his] work as perfect as [his] materials of 19 years collecting sufficeâ, adding that, to his sorrow, âit will run to quite a big Bookâ.22 We do not know when exactly he chose a title for that âbig Bookâ, nor, with certainty, why he chose the phrase ânatural selectionâ. In a letter to Charles Lyell from 10 November 1856, he still called it his âbig Bookâ.23 Ten months later, he articulated its title in an abstract of his ideas, enclosed in a letter to Asa Gray: Natural Selection.24
The essays or sketches from 1842 and 1844 were both formally divided into two parts, which differed both in subject and in length.25 The first and shorter part (three chapters) consisted of an elaboration of the analogy between artificial and natural selection. In the second and by far the longer part (seven chapters, conclusion included), Darwin mustered the evidence for his doctrine of common descent by reinterpreting various biological disciplines (palaeontology, geographical distribution, classification, morphology and embryology) in evolutionary terms. This binary structure of his argumentation reflected, on the one hand, the importance he attached to this reinterpretation and, on the other hand, the relative unimportance of his theory of natural selection for his âone long argumentâ (in favour of transmutation). As he declared in a letter to Asa Gray from 11 May 1863: âPersonally, of course, I care much about Natural Selection; but that seems to me utterly unimportant compared to question of Creation or Modificationâ.26 In a letter from 20 September 1859, he even begged Charles Lyell to keep his mind open about his theory âtill you receive (in perhaps a fortnight's time) my latter chapters which are the most important of all on the favourable sideâ.27
This unequal division of his almost fully developed theory of evolution was also a logical reflection of its gestation: Darwin had first become an evolutionist and had only later developed his theory of natural selection. It was, of course, also the all-important second part of his theory that would, in the nineteenth century, prove most influential: it was largely thanks to this part that Darwin converted a majority of his learned contemporaries to evolution. Natural selection, by contrast, was, in the nineteenth century and the first decades of the twentieth century, not generally accepted as an important evolutionary mechanism or process.
The binary division of the Sketch and the Essay was implicitly preserved in the âbig Bookâ that he began writing in May 1856 and, later, in The Origin.28 It is somewhat puzzling, therefore, that the former manuscript was entitled Natural Selection. Why did Darwin call it after its least important part (i.e. the part about natural selection)? It seems that it had gained somewhat in importance, since Darwin's notes for Natural Selection suggest that the second part would only have been as long as the first part.29 Still, his later remarks indicate that his transmutational reinterpretation of mid-nineteenth-century static natural history or âbiologyâ remained the main part of his argument. The question therefore remains: why did he call his big âSpecies Bookâ after the least important part of his argument? Part of the answer undoubtedly is that âhe care[d] much about Natural Selectionâ. Also, since 1839, natural selection had been âthe enduring core elementâ of his evolutionary theorizing.30 Lyell may also have been a motivating factor behind Darwin's choice. After Darwin had explained to Lyell his theory of evolution and had shown him his pigeon breeds, during a visit in April 1856, Lyell noted in his scientific journal: âWith Darwin: On the Formation of Species by Natural Selectionâ.31 He realized that what he called the natural selection theory explained the pattern, observed by Alfred Russel Wallace, that new species are most allied to those immediately preceding in time, and used ânatural selection as a shorthand for Darwin's theory of evolutionâ.32
When the writing of Natural Selection was interrupted, in June 1858, by the arrival of a package from Ternate that contained Alfred Russel Wallace's rudimentary version of his own theory, Darwin panicked. Lyell and Hooker hastily arranged a presentation of the DarwinâWallace theory at a meeting of the Linnean Society. The paper was published in the Journal of the Proceedings of the Linnean Society on 20 August 1858.33 By then, Darwin was already hard at work at an abstract of his big âSpecies Bookâ. Hooker had suggested a new article, of 30 pages or so, for the Linnean Society Journal. In a letter to T. C. Eyton from 4 August 1858, Darwin spoke of âa long abstract on my notions about Species & Varieties, to be read in parts before Linnean Socyâ that would be published âlate in the autumnâ.34 History repeated itself though: the journal article became a book, in the same way that, in 1856, his âpreliminary Essayâ had soon turned into âquite a big Bookâ. On 12 October 1858, Darwin already expected that his abstract would ârun into a small volume, which will have to be published separatelyâ.35 Its full title was enclosed in a letter that he sent to Charles Lyell on 28 March 1859: âAn Abstract of an Essay on the Origin of Species and Varieties Through Natural Selectionâ (figure 1).36

Figure 1. The original title of On the Origin of Species. This proposed title page for what eventually became The Origin of Species was enclosed in a letter that Darwin sent to Charles Lyell on 28 March 1859. The text reads: âAn abstract of an Essay on the Origin of Species and Varieties Through Natural Selection by Charles Darwin M. A Fellow of the Royal, Geological & Linn. Socy. London & & & & 1859â. (From John van Wyhe (ed.), The complete work of Charles Darwin online, 2002, http://darwin-online.org.uk.)
The original title
One striking and paradoxical characteristic of this original title is that it was much longer than the title of the longer but unfinished manuscript that preceded The Origin. It included two new phrases: âabstract of an essayâ and âon the origin of species and varietiesâ. Darwin clearly wanted to present explicitly The Origin as an abstract.37 Indeed, for a surprisingly long time after the publication of the first edition of The Origin, he harboured the intention of publishing a longer version of his âabstract of an essayâ. It would
have hardly a page in common, & might bear a quite distinct title; & I shd like to produce that volume by volume (perhaps 3 thinnish octavos) as I have it ready.â Much of the M.S is roughly ready, but I daresay it would take me two years to prepare 1st vol.â.38
On 25 December 1859, he wrote about this project to W. D. Fox: âI am going soon to begin my bigger book, which I shall publish as 3 separate volumes, with distinct titles, but with a general title in additionâ.39 This tripartite scheme represented, as Hodge puts it, âa convenient division of Darwin's personal labour, rather than a natural articulation in his public argumentâ.40 That articulation was, as we saw, binary.
The rationale for the term âabstractâ is, consequently, clear: the socially savvy Darwin wanted to emphasize that The Origin was incomplete and imperfect. The term âessayâ, by contrast, is more problematic. It almost certainly refers to the unfinished Natural Selection manuscript, since The Origin was clearly inspired by it. This, as a matter of fact, explains why the all-important second part of his argument had, in The Origin, shrunk even further in relative size (versus Natural Selection): it now occupied only about one-third of the entire book (chapters IXâXIII). The reason is that, when the writing of Natural Selection was interrupted by the arrival of Wallace's package, Darwin had not yet begun writing the second part of his book, apart from a section on geographical distribution. His âAbstract of an Essayâ was, consequently, an âAbstract of an Unfinished Manuscriptâ. Put differently: âessayâ was a misnomer. The Origin could maybe be called an essay (i.e. a short and non-technical book); Natural Selection could not.
Another question is why Darwin did not simply choose the title âAbstract of an Essay on Natural Selectionâ. Why did he replace the phrase ânatural selectionâ with the longer phrase â(an essay) on the origin of species and varieties through natural selectionâ? This is, without a doubt, the main and most intriguing change in the trajectory betweenNatural Selection and The Origin of Species (1872). It confronts us with two questions: why did Darwin decide to refer to the question of the origin of organic beings and why did he first refer to the origin of both species and varieties?
One of the possible reasons why he chose a longer and more explanatory title is that the shorter and less scholarly The Origin targeted a broader public than Natural Selection. He may also have been inspired by the title of a previous publication that is structurally reminiscent of âOn the Origin of Species and Varieties through Natural Selectionâ. As he pointed out, in a letter of 11 May 1856 to Hooker, it was not the first time that Lyell had urgently advised him to publish a preliminary sketch.41 On 31 May 1837, Darwin's coral theory was first presented at a meeting of the Geological Society of London under the title âOn certain areas of elevation and subsidence in the Pacific and Indian Oceans, as deduced from the study of coral formationsâ and, later that year, published in the Proceedings of the Geological Society of London.42 Lyell's influence may even have been more direct. As pointed out above, in his journal he used the phrase âOn the Formation of Species by Natural Selectionâ to refer to Darwin's theory. Lastly, the title of the aforementioned DarwinâWallace joint paper may also have been an inspiration: âOn the tendency of species to form varieties; and on the perpetuation of varieties and species by natural means of selectionâ.
This title can maybe also help explain why Darwin referred, in the original title of his abstract, to the origin of both species and varieties.43 His theory had, of course, always been intimately connected to the question of the taxonomic difference between species and varieties. The reason is simple: varieties could only be âincipient speciesâ if there was no clear distinction between varieties and species. The fact that such a distinction could not easily be made was, from the beginning, a very important element in Darwin's argument against the fixity of species, as can be seen from a letter that he wrote to Henry Denny on 7 November 1844: âI am deeply interested in everything connected with geographical distribution, & the differences between species and varietiesâ.44 He sometimes even referred to The Origin as his âbook on species & varietiesâ.45
The influence of John Murray on the modification of the original title
Darwin's original title underwent seven modifications (figure 2). One word was replaced (âthroughâ became âby means ofâ) and four terms or phrases were deleted (âan abstract ofâ, âan essayâ, âand varietiesâ and âonâ). Lastly, Darwin added a subtitle. The first version read âthe preservation of favoured racesâ, the second âthe preservation of favoured races in the struggle for lifeâ. Only three of these modifications were inspired by a (known) criticism from John Murray, although it must be added that these were the three most important modifications.

Figure 2. The seven modifications of the original title of On the Origin of Species, with the earliest known date of the modification and the source. Additions are in bold, deletions are struck through, replacements are underlined. The words and phrases between brackets were added or deleted, or replaced other words, at some unknown point between the end of March 1859 and 24 November 1859 (the publication date of the book). There are, to the best of my knowledge, no known sources for the reason(s) why Darwin made modifications 4, 5, 6 and 7.
At the beginning of March 1859, Darwin had asked Lyell whether John Murray might be interested in publishing his abstract. Murray had not only published Lyell's books but had also issued the second edition of Darwin's successful Journal of Researches.46 Lyell thought this âan excellent ideaâ and payed Murray âone of his most persuasive social callsâ.47 In a subsequent letter to Lyell (28 March), Darwin asked his friend whether he had already spoken to Murray (he fancied that he had done so from an âexpression in Lady Lyell's noteâ).48 He apparently soon received an affirmative answer, for in two lettersâone to Lyell (30 March) and one to Murray (31 March)âhe expressed his delight that Murray had agreed to publish his âwork on the Origin of Speciesâ, without even having read the manuscript.49 However, Murray was less enthusiastic about Darwin's title.
The letter that Darwin sent to Lyell on 30 March shows that Murray did indeed object to the term âabstractâ, as pointed out by Browne, but he did not object to the words âessayâ and âvarietiesâ.50 Also, his objection to the phrase ânatural selectionâ was, in contrast with what Browne suggests, not constructive: he did not suggest that Darwin explained the term but simply objected to it. That may be the reason why Darwin, at a certain point in time, toyed with the idea of a completely different title, âOn the Mutability of Speciesâ, as suggested by a tentative title-page sketch (figure 3).51

Figure 3. A tentative sketch of the title page of On the Origin of Species, with an alternative title and additional notes. The text reads: âOn The Mutability of Species âWhewellâ by C. Darwin, M. A, F.R.S. John Murray. 1860!!â It is not clear why Darwin emphasized the year 1860 (see, in this respect, note 51). (From John van Wyhe (ed.), The complete work of Charles Darwin online, 2002, http://darwin-online.org.uk.)
Darwin agreed to delete the term âabstractâ but he hoped to retain the phrase ânatural selectionâ, âwith Explanation, somewhat as thus,âThrough Natural Selection or the preservation of favoured Racesâ.52 The reason why he thought that the phrase ânatural selectionâ was not problematic is that it was âconstantly used in all works on Breeding, & I am surprised that it is not familiar to Murrayâ.53 Both statements make it clear that his full subtitle, âthe Preservation of Favoured Races in the Struggle for Lifeâ, was not conceived and intended as an alternative for the main title âOn the Origin of Species by Means of Natural Selectionâ, as Richard Dawkins claims, but as an explanation of the, at the time, relatively novel phrase ânatural selectionâ (although it did have implications for the meaning of the phrase âorigin of speciesâ, as will become clear below).54 The explanation, through a subtitle, of the phrase ânatural selectionâ was also, without a doubt, the most important and most remarkable modification of the original title of Darwin's abstract. I will first concentrate upon the specific words of which it is composed and subsequently discuss the possible reason why Darwin chose this particular definition of natural selection.
âPreservationâ was Darwin's standard term: he used it at least 20 times in the first edition of The Origin, whereas the term âsurvivalâ was used only once (likewise, the term âpreservedâ appears more than 10 times more often than the term âsurvivedâ).55 The term âfavouredâ was a synonym ofâand sometimes used in combination withââselectedâ. In his chapter on natural selection, for example, Darwin spoke of plants that âwould be continually favoured or selectedâ.56 In his chapter on âdifficulties on theoryâ, he wrote:
On the absence or rarity of transitional varieties.âAs natural selection acts solely by the preservation of profitable modifications, each new form will tend in a fully-stocked country to take the place of, and finally to exterminate, its own less improved parent or other less-favoured forms with which it comes into competition.57
The term âraceâ was a synonym for âvarietyâ, âbreedâ or âformâ. Surprisingly, it (or the plural âracesâ) was used much less frequently in the text of The Origin (in this particular meaning) than âvarietyâ (or âvarietiesâ), âbreed(s)â or âform(s)â. Furthermore, âraceâ had anthropological connotations, whereas Darwin avoided, in The Origin, the subject of humans, âas so surrounded with prejudicesâ.58 The question of human races was even âblowing up as an emotive issue in the 1850sâ.59 So why did Darwin choose this particular, not unproblematic word for his subtitle instead of a more neutral and, in the text of The Origin, more common alternative such as âvarietyâ?60 One possible explanation is that he wanted to make the link with the artificial selection of races of domesticated plants and animals (for a second possible explanation, see below). Indeed, in the text of The Origin, he often used the phrase âdomestic raceâ. Also, the second part of his Essay of 1844 was headed âOn the evidence favourable and opposed to the view that species are naturally formed races, descended from common stocksâ (my italics). Likewise, in his Sketch of 1842, he promised that a discussion of âwhether the characters and relations of animated beings are such as favour the idea of wild species being races descended from a common stockâ would form âthe second part of this sketchâ.61
It is not known when exactly Darwin added the phrase âin the Struggle for Lifeâ to his subtitle. It was may be already inserted in the title that he sent to Murray, â(with some remarks on separate page)â, enclosed in a letter from 5 April 1859 (unfortunately, neither the title nor the remarks seem to have been preserved).62 It is quite clear, though, why he added it: it was through the struggle for life of, and within, geometrically increasing populations that the selective actions of breeders or âthe preservation of their favoured racesâ was mimicked by nature:
In the preservation of favoured individuals and races, during the constantly-recurrent Struggle for Existence, we see the most powerful and ever-acting means of selection. The struggle for existence inevitably follows from the high geometrical ratio of increase which is common to all organic beings.63
Let us now proceed to the more important and intriguing question as to why Darwin chose, in his subtitle, this specific definition of natural selection: âthe Preservation of Favoured Races in the Struggle for Lifeâ. The natural process that he tried to convey through his analogy with artificial selection is quite complex and multifaceted and can be described in various ways. Bock points out, in this respect, that âDarwin used natural selection in two distinct meaningsâ.64 He emphasized either the causes of natural selection or its consequences. Paradoxically, he generally used the phrase ânatural selectionâ in its causative meaning, but he focused on the consequences of natural selection in his most precise definitions.65 These, however, are certainly not the only two meanings or ways in which the phrase is (implicitly) used in The Origin.66 For example, Darwin sometimes referred to the selection of individual organisms, elsewhere to the selection of a clearly distinguished collection of individuals (i.e. a breed, form, variety or race) and, in a few cases, to the selection âof favoured individuals and racesâ.67 He also realized that natural selection could cause the transmutation of an entire species (what we call anagenesis or vertical evolution) or the transmutation of a separate variety or race (cladogenesis or horizontal evolution) (see, in this respect, figure 4). The process of cladogenesis (or, as Darwin called it, divergence) starts out with the selection of individual organisms that are only slightly different from other members of a species but leads, after a number of generations, to the creation of a distinct, âfavouredâ variety or race.

Figure 4. Darwin's diagram of divergence of taxa. The only figure in On the Origin of Species, it shows the divergent evolution, the non-divergent evolution or the extinction of various species (AâL) of a large genus. Each horizontal line (IâXIV) represents a thousand or more generations. Species A and I produce, after thousands or millions of generations, through divergent selection, 14 new species (a14âm14 and n14âz14). The six new species descended from I, and the eight descended from A, form distinct genera or even distinct sub-families. All the other species, except F (non-divergent evolution), become extinct without leaving descendant species. (From Wikimedia Commons.)
This is, of course, also the specific kind of natural selection that formed the subject of Darwin's subtitle: it referred to the preservation or selection of a group of organisms that was already clearly distinguished (i.e. a race). Indeed, in 1860, Louis Agassiz argued that Darwin did not substantiate the specific assertion that his subtitle implied:
The assertion of Darwin, which has crept into the title of his work, is, that favoured races are preserved, while all his facts go only to substantiate the assertion that favoured individuals have a better chance in the struggle for life than others.68
Darwin did not show that these favoured individuals of a specific race diverged âfrom their specific type; and neither [he] nor anybody else has furnished a single fact to show that they go on divergingâ.69
The reason why Darwin chose this specific definition of natural selection is obvious: divergence of character was, as he put in The Origin, âof high importance on my theory, and explains, as I believe, several important factsâ.70 The idea was that, when organisms compete for scarce resources, natural selection should favour the individuals that most differ from their competitors since those individuals could occupy a new âstationâ in âthe economy of natureâ and thus escape the severe competition in the old âstationâ. Consequently, individuals that compete should, over time, diverge or become more dissimilar and develop into âfavoured racesâ. Darwin's often-ridiculed race of black bears that was transformed into a giant, insect-eating whale offers a good example of such a âfavoured raceâ:
In North America the black bear was seen by Hearne swimming for hours with widely open mouth, thus catching, like a whale, insects in the water. Even in so extreme a case as this, if the supply of insects were constant, and if better adapted competitors did not already exist in the country, I can see no difficulty in a race of bears being rendered, by natural selection, more and more aquatic in their structure and habits, with larger and larger mouths, till a creature was produced as monstrous as a whale.71
In a letter of 5 September 1857 to Asa Gray, he presented divergence as âone other principleâ (next to the principle of selection) and the âmeans by which nature makes her speciesâ:
One other principle, which may be called the principle of divergence plays, I believe, an important part in the origin of species. The same spot will support more life if occupied by very diverse forms: we see this in the many generic forms in a square yard of turf (I have counted 20 species belonging to 18 genera),âor in the plants and insects, on any little uniform islet, belonging almost to as many genera and families as to species. ⊠This, I believe, to be the origin of the classification or arrangement of all organic beings at all times.72
In a letter to Hooker of 8 June 1858 (written while he was still working on his big âSpecies Bookâ), Darwin remarked: âI will try to leave out all allusion to genera coming in & out in this part, till when I discuss the âprinciple of Divergenceâ, which with âNatural Selectionâ is the keystone of my Book & I have very great confidence it is soundâ.73 He also described divergence in great detail in The Origin.74 It is significant that it was discussed, in both The Origin and Natural Selection, in the chapter dedicated to natural selection (respectively chapter 4, titled âNatural selectionâ, and chapter 6, titled âOn natural selectionâ): divergent selection was a crucial part of the principle of divergence (see also note 70). The principle of divergence is also clearly illustrated in the only diagram included in his book (figure 4).
It should therefore not surprise us that Darwin's subtitle defined ânatural selectionâ in terms of the selection of a clearly diverging group of organisms. This is maybe also another reason why he used the term âraceâ, for this was, in 1859, undoubtedly one of the best terms to refer to such a group of organisms. This, in turn, implies that the most common criticism of the title of The Originâthat Darwin failed to solve the problem âindicated by the title of his workâ (i.e. the origin of species) or that he remained largely silent about this problemâis not entirely correct.75 It is, as so often, a question of semantics. Through his subtitle, the phrase âorigin of speciesâ acquired the very specific meaning of âorigin of species through divergent selectionâ and this process was, as just pointed out, central to The Origin. Consequently, Darwin did not fail to solve the problem indicated by the title of his work. However, he did indeed not offer a complete solution for the problem of the origin of new species through cladogenesis or horizontal evolution. Nor did he âprove that the principle of divergence plays a primary role in speciationâ.76 However, it should immediately be added that modern research suggests that the importance of Darwinian character displacement should not be underestimated in a general theory on species diversification.77
Four other modifications
I can be brief about the four other modifications of the original title of The Origin. After comments from two friends about the position of the word âvarietiesââthat it ought to stand before âspeciesââand the absence of âgenera & ordersâ in the title, Darwin asked, in a letter of 10 September 1859, permission from Murray to delete the term âvarietiesâ, because âThe case of Species is the real important point; & the title, as now, is rather too longâ.78 We do not know why and when he deleted the term âessayâ. It may have been to further shorten the title but why did he then replace âthroughâ with the longer phrase âby means ofâ? Was he, once again, inspired by the DarwinâWallace paper and, more particularly, by the last words of the title of this paper, âby natural means of selectionâ?79 Finally, in February 1872, Darwin dropped the last remnant of the introductory part of his original title: the preposition âOnâ. This last, subtle modification signals, or can be interpreted as signalling, the maturation or emancipation of a book that started out as a mere abstract of an âessayâ.
Conclusion
On the Origin of Species is, without a doubt, one of the most famous and best-known book titles in history. Thanks to the long and complex history of Darwin's magnum opus and his tendency to vacillate, it is probably also a title with one of the longest gestation periods in the history of science book publishing. Thanks to the wealth of documents that Darwin left us, it is possible to reconstruct not only that gestation but also the reasoning behind it. Darwin certainly had good reasons to call his big âSpecies Bookâ Natural Selection. Natural selection may not have been the most important component of his one âlong argumentâ but it was definitely its most brilliant component. It was also the common thread in his evolutionary theorizing. When he was forced to write swiftly an âAbstract of an Essay on Natural Selectionâ, instead of Natural Selection he made the historically crucial choice of inserting the phrase âthe origin of species and varietiesâ in his title. There are several non-exclusive factors that may have inspired this insertion: didactic reasons, the title of the article in which he elaborated his highly successful coral theory, the title of the DarwinâWallace paper and/or Lyell's qualification, in 1856, of his theory as âOn the Formation of Species by Natural Selectionâ. The main influence of John Murray was the addition of a subtitle to this title: âor the Preservation of Favoured Races in the Struggle for Lifeâ. This referred to the kind of preservation or selection that was associated with the second keystone of Darwin's book: the principle of divergence. Other modifications were less crucial. Most enigmatic, maybe, was the replacement of âthroughâ with the longer phrase âby means ofâ.
One might wonder whether this convoluted gestation process resulted in the best possible title for Darwin's book.80 Should he not, for example, have referred to the crucial second part of his book: his evolutionary reinterpretation of large parts of the contemporary knowledge about life and its history? However, that is not what this article was about. I have, through a detailed description of the trajectory between Natural Selection and The Origin and a tentative reconstruction of the reasoning behind this long and convoluted transmutation, merely tried to fill a small but not insignificant gap in the historiographical Darwin literature.
Acknowledgements
I would like to thank two anonymous reviewers for their helpful comments and recommendations.
Footnotes
1 Darwin to J. M. Rodwell, 5 November 1860, Darwin Correspondence Project, âLetter no. 2976', http://www.darwinproject.ac.uk/DCP-LETT-2976 (accessed 4 July 2018).
2 C. Darwin, On the Origin of Species by Means of Natural Selection, or the Preservation of Favoured Races in the Struggle for Life (John Murray, London, 1859). The study of Darwin, his work and his influence did not, of course, start in 1959. See, in this respect, J. C. Greene, âReflections on the progress of Darwin studiesâ, Hist. Biol. 8(2), 243â273 (1975), at p. 243. He refers to the Isis Cumulative Bibliography: âfor the years 1912â1919 the Bibliography lists 8 books and articles on Darwin and related subjects; 28 for the 1920's; 38 for the 1930's; 29 for the 1940's and 24 in the years 1950â1957â. However, these studies were not produced by a community of Darwin scholars but rather by isolated scholars and constituted a mere trickle in comparison to the torrent of the post-1959 Darwin industry. The 1959 centennial was not the only catalyst of the emergence of a Darwin industry. Greene refers in this respect to the crystallization of the modern evolutionary synthesisâwhich of course constituted a vindication of Darwin's ideasâand to the professionalization of the history and philosophy of science as an academic discipline. (Greene, op. cit. (this note), p. 248.) For analyses of the Darwin industry, see B. J. Loewenberg, âDarwin and Darwin studies, 1959â63â, Hist. Sci.4(1), 15â54 (1965); M. Ruse, âThe Darwin industry: a critical evaluationâ, Hist. Sci.12(1), 43â58 (1974); Greene, op. cit. (this note); T. Lenoir, âEssay review: the Darwin industryâ, J. Hist. Biol. 20(1), 115â130 (1987); M. Ruse, âThe Darwin industry: a guideâ, Vic. Stud.39(2), 217â235 (1996); M. C. Flannery, âThe Darwin industryâ, Am. Biol. Teach. 68(3), 163â166 (2006); D. Oldroyd, M. Ruse, P. Pearson and S. Herbert, âReview symposium: Darwin's geology: the end of the Darwin industry?â, Metascience16(1), 25â50 (2007); J. van Wyhe, âDarwin online and the evolution of the Darwin industryâ, Hist. Sci.47(4), 459â473 (2009).
3 The main categorization of this literature could be non-hierarchical (i.e. based on a non-hierarchical list of subject matters) or hierarchical (i.e. based on the importance of the subject matter). In the latter case, Darwin biographies would undoubtedly figure among the most important subject matters. The timing of publication (i.e. possible delay) of The Origin and the differences between various editions are examples of subject matters of secondary importance. A third category, of least important topics, could encompass subjects such as Darwin's writing style and his much discussed, mysterious illness.
4 The âHistorical sketchâ was prepared for the first authorized American edition of The Origin, published in May 1860, but it had already appeared in April 1860 as a preface to the first German edition. See C. N. Johnson, âThe preface to Darwin's Origin of Species: the curious history of the âHistorical sketchââ, J. Hist. Biol. 40(3), 529â556 (2007), at p. 530, n. 1.
5 Ibid., p. 531, n. 3.
6 Ibid.
7 A. Desmond and J. Moore, Darwin (Penguin, London, 1992), p. 474.
8 Ibid., p. 475.
9 J. Browne, Charles Darwin: the power of place (Alfred A. Knopf, New York, 2002), p. 81.
10 R. C. Stauffer, (ed.) Charles Darwin's Natural Selection: being the second part of his big Species Book written from 1856 to 1858 (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1975). The first part of Natural Selection (two chapters) was cannibalized when Darwin wrote The Variation. C. Darwin, The Variation of Animals and Plants under Domestication, 2 vols (John Murray, London, 1868). Consequently, Stauffer's edition begins with chapter III, âPossibility of all organic beings crossingâ. It comprises eight full chapters and one incomplete chapter on geographical distribution. Stauffer's division of Natural Selection into two parts is not to be confused with the bipartite structure of Darwin's argumentation (see note 25). A better title for the book that Stauffer edited might have been: The second part of Darwin's Natural Selection: chapters 3â11.
11 F. Darwin, (ed.) The foundations of The Origin of Species: two essays written in 1842 and 1844 (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 1909).
12 In his personal journal, he wrote: âJuly 5th. Sent a written sketch of species theory (seven years after commencement[)] in about 230 pages to Mr. Fletcher to be copiedâ. Cambridge University Library, Darwin Online, DAR158.1â76, http://darwin-online.org.uk/content/frameset?pageseq=42&itemID=CUL-DAR158.1-76&viewtype=side (accessed 29 May 2018).
13 C. Darwin to E. Darwin, 5 July 1844, Darwin Correspondence Project, âLetter no. 761â, http://www.darwinproject.ac.uk/DCP-LETT-761 (accessed 12 March 2018).
14 C. Lyell to Darwin, 9 April 1843, Darwin Correspondence Project, âLetter no. 670â, http://www.darwinproject.ac.uk/DCP-LETT-670 (accessed 13 March 2018).
15 Lyell to Darwin, 1â2 May 1856, Darwin Correspondence Project, âLetter no. 1862â, http://www.darwinproject.ac.uk/DCP-LETT-1862 (accessed 16 March 2018).
16 It has long been believed that Lyell feared that Darwin would be scooped after reading Alfred Russel Wallace's essay on the introduction of new species: A. R. Wallace, âOn the law which has regulated the introduction of new speciesâ, Ann. Mag. Nat. Hist. 2nd Ser. 16, 184â196 (1855). However, this seems to be a myth. See, in this respect, J. van Wyhe, âThe impact of A. R. Wallace's Sarawak Law paper reassessedâ, Stud. Hist. Philos. Sci. C60, 56â66 (2016).
17 D. Kohn, âDarwin's ambiguity: the secularization of biological meaningâ, Br. J. Hist. Sci. 22, 215â239 (1989).
18 Darwin to J. D. Hooker, 9 May 1856, Darwin Correspondence Project, âLetter no. 1870â, http://www.darwinproject.ac.uk/DCP-LETT-1870 (accessed 16 March 2018).
19 Ibid.
20 Darwin to Hooker, 11 May 1856, Darwin Correspondence Project, âLetter no. 1874â, http://www.darwinproject.ac.uk/DCP-LETT-1874 (accessed 16 March 2018).
21 In his personal journal, he wrote: âMay 14th Began by Lyells [sic] advice writing species sketchâ. Cambridge University Library, Darwin Online, DAR158.1â76, http://darwin-online.org.uk/content/frameset?pageseq=66&itemID=CUL-DAR158.1-76&viewtype=text (accessed 29 May 2018).
22 Darwin to W. D. Fox, 3 October 1856, Darwin Correspondence Project, âLetter no. 1967â, http://www.darwinproject.ac.uk/DCP-LETT-1967 (accessed 16 March 2018).
23 Darwin to Lyell, 10 November 1856, Darwin Correspondence Project, âLetter no. 1984â, http://www.darwinproject.ac.uk/DCP-LETT-1984 (accessed 13 March 2018).
24 Darwin to A. Gray, 5 September 1857, Darwin Correspondence Project, âLetter no. 2136â, http://www.darwinproject.ac.uk/DCP-LETT-2136 (accessed 13 March 2018).
25 The Sketch (1842) seems to have had a tripartite plan (part 1 on variation under domestication, part 2 on variation under nature and part 3 on the reasons for and against believing that wild races âreally have been produced, forming what are called speciesâ), but, as editor, Francis Darwin âwas being reasonable enough in dividing the Sketch not according to this tripartite plan ⊠but according to the more fundamental bipartite structure of its argumentationâ. M. J. S. Hodge, âReview: the structure and strategy of Darwin's âlong argumentââ, Br. J. Hist. Sci. 10(3), 237â246 (1977), at pp. 241â242. See also note 39. The âbigger workâ that Darwin intended to publish after the publication of On the Origin (1859) had a similar, tripartite structure.
26 Darwin to Gray, 11 May 1863, Darwin Correspondence Project, âLetter no. 4153â, http://www.darwinproject.ac.uk/DCP-LETT-4153 (accessed 18 December 2017). It was a reiteration of a letter that he had sent, a few days before, to the AthenĂŠum, as a reaction to an anonymously published letter by Richard Owen: âWhether the naturalist believes in the views given by Lamarck, by Geoffroy St.-Hilaire, by the author of the âVestigesâ, by Mr. Wallace and myself, or in any other such view, signifies extremely little in comparison with the admission that species have descended from other species and have not been created immutable; for he who admits this as a great truth has a wide field opened to him for further inquiry. I believe, however, from what I see of the progress of opinion on the Continent, and in this country, that the theory of Natural Selection will ultimately be adopted, with, no doubt, many subordinate modifications and improvementsâ. Darwin to AthenĂŠum, 5 May 1863, Darwin Correspondence Project, âLetter no. 4142â, http://www.darwinproject.ac.uk/DCP-LETT-4142 (accessed 19 December 2017).
27 Darwin to Lyell, 20 September 1859, Darwin Correspondence Project, âLetter no. 2492â, http://www.darwinproject.ac.uk/DCP-LETT-2492 (accessed 17 January 2018).
28 The Origin is indeed not explicitly divided into two parts, but chapters IâVIII correspond to Part I of the Sketch and the Essay and chapters IXâXIII (first edition) to Part II. It is often said that The Origin has a tripartite structure (see, e.g., R. Moore, âThe persuasive Mr. Darwinâ, Bioscience47(2), 107â114 (1997)). Chapters VIâVIII, which deal with difficulties for Darwin's theory of natural selection (or even chapters VIâIX) are then considered as Part II. However, chapters VIâVIII belong to Part I of his argumentative structure, whereas chapter IX, on the imperfection of the geological record, opens Part II. It is correct, though, that Darwin, from the moment that he had been urged to publish something, had decided to give special attention to the difficulties in his theory: âIf I publish anything it must be a very thin& little volume, giving a sketch of my views & difficulties; but it is really dreadfully unphilosophical to give a resumĂ©, without exact references, of an unpublished work. But Lyell seemed to think I might do this, at the suggestion of friends, & on the ground which I might state that I had been at work for 18 years, & yet could not publish for several years, & especially as I could point out difficulties which seemed to me to require especial investigationâ. Darwin to Hooker, 9 May 1856 (note 18).
29 D. Ospovat, The development of Darwin's theory: natural history, natural theology, and natural selection, 1838â1859 (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1995), p. 88.
30 D. Partridge, âWhen did Darwin âclearly conceiveâ his theory of evolution?â J. Nat. Hist.52(1â2), 73â86 (2018), at p. 73.
31 L. G. Wilson, (ed.), Sir Charles Lyell's scientific journals on the species question (Yale University Press, New Haven, CT, 1970), p. 121.
32 Wallace, op. cit. (note 16); van Wyhe, op. cit. (note 16), p. 63.
33 C. Darwin, âOn the tendency of species to form varieties; and on the perpetuation of varieties and species by natural means of selection. I. Extract from an unpublished work on species, II. Abstract of a letter from C. Darwin, Esq., to Prof. Asa Grayâ, J. Proc. Linn. Soc. 3, 45â53 (1858); A. R. Wallace, âOn the tendency of species to form varieties; and on the perpetuation of varieties and species by natural means of selection. III. On the tendency of varieties to depart indefinitely from the original typeâ, J. Proc. Linn. Soc. 3, 53â62 (1858).
34 Darwin to T. C. Eyton, 4 August 1858, Darwin Correspondence Project, âLetter no. 2319â, http://www.darwinproject.ac.uk/DCP-LETT-2319 (accessed 21 March 2018).
35 Darwin to Hooker, 12 October 1858, Darwin Correspondence Project, âLetter no. 2339â, http://www.darwinproject.ac.uk/DCP-LETT-2339 (accessed 20 March 2018). On 4 October 1858, he had already called it âan abstract of all my conclusions to be published as small book or read before Linn: Societyâ: Darwin to Eyton, 4 October 1858, Darwin Correspondence Project, âLetter no. 2333â, http://www.darwinproject.ac.uk/DCP-LETT-2333 (accessed 21 March 2018).
36 Darwin to Lyell, 28 March 1859, Darwin Correspondence Project, âLetter no. 2437â, http://www.darwinproject.ac.uk/DCP-LETT-2437 (accessed 24 March 2018).
37 As he declared in the introduction to The Origin: âNo one can feel more sensible than I do of the necessity of hereafter publishing in detail all the facts, with references, on which my conclusions have been grounded; and I hope in a future work to do thisâ. Darwin, op. cit. (note 2), p. 2.
38 Darwin to J. Murray, 2 December 1859, Darwin Correspondence Project, âLetter no. 2566â, http://www.darwinproject.ac.uk/DCP-LETT-2566 (accessed 19 December 2017).
39 Darwin to Fox, 25 December 1859, Darwin Correspondence Project, âLetter no. 2604â, http://www.darwinproject.ac.uk/DCP-LETT-2604 (accessed 19 December 2017). See also Darwin to Murray, 22 December 1859, Darwin Correspondence Project, âLetter no. 2594â, http://www.darwinproject.ac.uk/DCP-LETT-2594 (accessed 19 December 2017). In The Variation, he called this book the first volume of that bigger work that he had announced in the introduction of The Origin and apologized for âthe great delay in publishing this first workâ, adding that it had âbeen caused by continued ill-healthâ (Darwin, op. cit. (note 10), p. 2, n. 1). He also announced the two other, never-published volumes, one about âthe Variation of organisms in a state of natureâ (p. 8) and one about âthe several classes of factsâ (p. 9) that could be explained by the principle of natural selection. Stauffer points out, in this respect, that Darwin âdid not abandon his long manuscript, nor write on the unused backs of the sheets for drafting other new publications as he so often did with other manuscriptsâ. Stauffer, op. cit. (note 10), p. 1. Indeed, he kept assembling notes for a big âSpecies Bookâ until the 1870s (see Ospovat, op. cit. (note 29), p. 89). As Ospovat points out, the third volume (part 2 in his argument) would probably have been a very large one because his notes on geological succession, geographical distribution, morphology, and so forth were very extensive (see Darwin Manuscripts Project, DAR 205, https://tinyurl.com/y7ge5bux (accessed 29 May 2018)). Murray seems not to have been very enthusiastic about this project, which may help explain why it was never completed. See, in this respect, Browne, op. cit. (note 9), p. 97.
40 Hodge, op. cit. (note 25), p. 242.
41 Darwin to Hooker, 11 May 1856 (note 20).
42 C. R. Darwin, âOn certain areas of elevation and subsidence in the Pacific and Indian oceans, as deduced from the study of coral formationsâ, Proc. Geol. Soc. Lond. 2, 552â554 (1837) (read 31 May 1837). It was later elaborated in Darwin's first monograph: C. R. Darwin, The Structure and Distribution of Coral Reefs. Being the First Part of the Geology of the Voyage of the Beagle, under the Command of Capt. Fitzroy, R.N. During the Years 1832 to 1836 (Smith Elder and Co., London, 1842).
43 In a letter that he sent on 18 May 1858 to Syms Covington, he declared that Natural Selection was his biggest work: âit treats on the origin of varieties of our domestic animals and plants, and on the origin of species in a state of natureâ. However, this cannot have been the inspiration (and meaning) of the original title of his abstract, since domestic varieties are not produced through natural selection. Darwin to S. Covington, 18 May 1858, Darwin Correspondence Project, âLetter no. 2276â, http://www.darwinproject.ac.uk/DCP-LETT-2276 (accessed 13 March 2018).
44 Darwin to H. Denny, 7 November 1844, Darwin Correspondence Project, âLetter no. 787â, http://www.darwinproject.ac.uk/DCP-LETT-787 (accessed 21 March 2018). See also, in this respect, D. N. Stamos, Darwin and the nature of species (State University of New York Press, Albany, NY, 2007).
45 Darwin to F. Mackintosh Wedgwood, 18 [August 1856âJanuary 1858], Darwin Correspondence Project, âLetter no. 1810â, http://www.darwinproject.ac.uk/DCP-LETT-1810 (accessed 21 March 2018).
46 C. Darwin, Journal of Researches into the Natural History and Geology of the Countries Visited During the Voyage of H.M.S. Beagle Round the World, under the Command of Capt. Fitz Roy, R.N., 2nd edn (John Murray, London, 1845).
47 Browne, op. cit. (note 9), p. 73.
48 Darwin to Lyell, op. cit. (note 36).
49 Darwin to Lyell, 30 March 1859, Darwin Correspondence Project, âLetter no. 2439â, http://www.darwinproject.ac.uk/DCP-LETT-2439 (accessed 8 December 2017). Darwin to Murray, 31 March 1859. Darwin Correspondence Project, âLetter no. 2441â, http://www.darwinproject.ac.uk/DCP-LETT-2441 (accessed 19 December 2017).
50 This certainly seems to be implied by what Darwin wrote to Lyell: he was âsorry about Murray objecting to term abstract as I look at it as only possible apology for not giving References & facts in full.âbut I will defer to him & youâ. Darwin to Lyell, 30 March 1859 (note 49). In note 2 to another letter by Darwin, addressed to Murray, the editor writes that Darwin had been advised âto drop the expression âAbstract of an essayâ (letter to Charles Lyell, 30 March [1859])â. Darwin to Murray, 10 September 1859, Darwin Correspondence Project, âLetter no. 2488â, http://www.darwinproject.ac.uk/DCP-LETT-2488 (accessed 8 December 2017). That is not correct. In his letter to Lyell (30 March), Darwin only refers to the term âabstractâ.
51 This interpretation of this draft title page is suggested by D. Ospovat, âGod and natural selection: the Darwinian idea of designâ, J. Hist. Biol. 13(2), 169â194 (1980), at p. 172, n. 10. The reference to Murray and to Whewell suggests that it is the correct interpretation. Although the verso of the half-title leaf of The Origin as published carries two quotationsâone by Whewell and one by Baconâwhereas this draft title page only carries a quotation by Whewell. Also, this quotation was intended to be placed beneath the title. The emphasis on the year of publication as 1860 may even be incompatible with Ospovat's interpretation, since Darwin, to the best of my knowledge, never intended to publish The Origin in 1860 (the manuscript was finished in May 1859). Could it be that this was not an alternative title for The Origin but the âgeneral titleâ of the âbigger bookâ that Darwin, in 1859, intended to âpublish as 3 separate volumes, with distinct titles, but with a general title in additionâ?
52 Darwin to Lyell, op. cit. (note 49).
53 Ibid.
54 R. Dawkins, Science in the soul: selected writings of a passionate rationalist (Bantam Press, London, 2017), p. 112.
55 The frequency with which (non-split) terms appear in The Origin can be determined through the search function of John van Wyhe's darwin-online.org.uk site. One should keep in mind, though, that terms are often used in different ways.
56 Darwin, op. cit. (note 2), p. 94.
57 Ibid., p. 172.
58 Darwin to A. R. Wallace, 22 December 1857, Darwin Correspondence Project, âLetter no. 2192â, http://www.darwinproject.ac.uk/DCP-LETT-2192 (accessed 27 March 2018). Darwin used the word âraceâ mainly to refer to domestic or natural plants or animals. There are only three instances in The Origin where the term refers to âraces of humansâ. In one of these passages, Darwin foreshadowed his later book, The Descent of Man: âI might have adduced for this same purpose the differences between the races of man, which are so strongly marked; I may add that some little light can apparently be thrown on the origin of these differences, chiefly through sexual selection of a particular kind, but without here entering on copious details my reasoning would appear frivolousâ. Darwin, op. cit. (note 2), p. 199. C. Darwin, The Descent of Man, and Selection in Relation to Sex (John Murray, London, 1871).
59 Desmond and Moore, op. cit. (note 7), p. 442. See also A. Desmond and J. Moore, Darwin's sacred cause: race, slavery and the quest for human origins (Penguin Books, London, 2009).
60 With the benefit of hindsight, Darwin's choice was even less lucky or opportune. G. Himmelfarb, for example, points out that Darwin's subtitle âmade a convenient motto for racistsâ and that Darwin himself was ânot averse to the idea that some races were more fit than others, and that this fitness was demonstrated in human historyâ. G. Himmelfarb, Darwin and the Darwinian revolution (Chatto & Windus, London, 1959), p. 416. M. Russell even claims that âfavoured racesâ, translated, âmeant his race, the Caucasiansâ. M. Russell, Beyond ramps: disability at the end of the social contract: a warning from an uppity crip (Common Courage Press, Monroe, ME, 1998), p. 19. Likewise, Dawkins writes that the word âraceâ in the subtitle of The Originâis sometimes misread in support of racialismâ. Dawkins, op. cit. (note 54), p. 112.
61 Quoted in Hodge, op. cit., p. 242 (note 25), my italics.
62 Darwin to Murray, 5 April 1859, Darwin Correspondence Project, âLetter no. 2447â, http://www.darwinproject.ac.uk/DCP-LETT-2447 (accessed 19 December 2017). See also the letter that he sent to Murray on 2 April: Darwin Correspondence Project, âLetter no. 2445â, http://www.darwinproject.ac.uk/DCP-LETT-2445 (accessed 19 December 2017).
63 Darwin, op. cit. (note 2), p. 467.
64 J. W. Bock, âThe DarwinâWallace myth of 1858â, Proc. Zool. Soc. Lond. 62(1), 1â12 (2009), at p. 3.
65 For example, when he wrote that natural selection âis daily and hourly scrutinising, throughout the world, every variation, even the slightest; rejecting that which is bad, preserving and adding up all that is goodâ, he emphasized the causative or scrutinizing side of natural selection. Darwin, op. cit. (note 2), p. 84. In his most elaborate definition, however, he focused on the consequential or resultative dimension of natural selection: âOwing to this struggle for life, any variation, however slight and from whatever cause proceeding, if it be in any degree profitable to an individual of any species, in its infinitely complex relations to other organic beings and to external nature, will tend to the preservation of that individual, and will generally be inherited by its offspring. The offspring, also, will thus have a better chance of surviving, for, of the many individuals of any species which are periodically born, but a small number can survive. I have called this principle, by which each slight variation, if useful, is preserved, by the term of Natural Selection, in order to mark its relation to man's power of selection. We have seen that man by selection can certainly produce great results, and can adapt organic beings to his own uses, through the accumulation of slight but useful variations, given to him by the hand of Nature. But Natural Selection, as we shall hereafter see, is a power incessantly ready for action, and is as immeasurably superior to man's feeble efforts, as the works of Nature are to those of Artâ. Ibid., p. 61; see also Stauffer, op. cit. (note 10), p. 175.
66 Darwin had also already realized that selection can be endogenic (i.e. selection due to characteristics of the selected organism) or exogenic (i.e. selection of an organism due to the behaviour or characteristics of other organisms). That is how he explained the existence of castes of neuter insects with a profitable modification (i.e. profitable for the community to which they belonged). They evolved through the (exogenic) selection of their parents: âby the long-continued selection of the fertile parents which produced most neuters with the profitable modification, all the neuters ultimately came to have the desired characterâ. Darwin, op. cit. (note 2), p. 239.
67 Ibid., p. 467.
68 J. L. R. Agassiz, âReview of On the Origin of Speciesâ, Am. J. Sci. Arts30, 142â154 (1860), at p. 149, (my italics).
69 Ibid., p. 149.
70 Darwin, op. cit. (note 2), p. 111. The principle of divergence âgrew out of work on classificationâ (Ospovat, op. cit. (note 29), p. 171). The question that he initially posed âwas not how one parent species gives rise to two descendant species, but rather âwhy the species of a large genus, will hereafter probably be a Family with several generaââ (ibid.). It has been interpreted in various ways in the literature. D. Kohn argues that the principle of divergence was simply a special case or type of natural selection which he calls âdivergent selectionâ. D. Kohn, âDarwin's keystone: the principle of divergenceâ, in The Cambridge companion to the Origin of Species (eds D. Kohn and M. Ruse), pp. 87â108 (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2009). It certainly encompassed, or resulted in, that kind of selection. Put differently: Darwin's âprinciple of divergenceâ encompassed the notion of divergent selection (i.e. the selection of the most divergent members of a population) and an explanation for divergent selection (i.e. organisms that differ from other members of the species can invade and occupy a new niche). For more literature on this principle, see J. Browne, âDarwin's botanical arithmetic and the principle of divergence, 1854â1858â, J. Hist. Biol. 13, 53â89 (1980); D. Kohn, âDarwin's principle of divergence as internal dialogueâ, in The Darwinian heritage (ed. D. Kohn), pp. 245â258 (Princeton University Press, Princeton, 1985); E. Mayr, âDarwin's principle of divergenceâ, J. Hist. Biol. 25(3), 343â359 (1992); W. Tammone, âCompetition, the division of labor, and Darwin's principle of divergenceâ, J. Hist. Biol. 28, 109â131 (1995); D. W. Pfennig and K. S. Pfennig, âCharacter displacement and the origins of diversityâ, Am. Nat. 176(1), S26âS44 (2010); R. J. Richards, âDarwin's principles of divergence and natural selection: why Fodor was almost rightâ, Stud. Hist. Philos. Sci. C43(1), 256â268 (2012).
71 Darwin, op. cit. (note 2), p. 184.
72 Darwin to op. cit. (note 24).
73 Darwin to Hooker, 8 June 1858, Darwin Correspondence Project, âLetter no. 2282â, http://www.darwinproject.ac.uk/DCP-LETT-2282 (accessed 19 December 2017).
74 Darwin, op. cit. (note 2), pp. 111â126. See also Stauffer, op. cit. (note 10), pp. 227â250.
75 âDarwin failed to solve the problem indicated by the title of his work. Although he demonstrated the modification of species in the time dimension, he never seriously attempted a rigorous analysis of the problem of the multiplication of species, the splitting of one species into twoâ. E. Mayr, Animal species and evolution (Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA, 1963), p. 12. In a similar vein, J. A. Coyne and H. A. Orr point out that âThe Origin of Species, whose title and first paragraph imply that Darwin will have much to say about speciation ⊠remains largely silent on the âmystery of mysteriesâ, and the little it does say about this mystery is seen by most modern evolutionists as muddled or wrongâ. J. A. Coyne and H. A. Orr, Speciation (Sinauer, Sunderland, MA, 2004), p. 9. They believe that âfor Darwin, the origin of species was identical to the origin of adaptations within speciesâ (ibid., p. 11). Coyne has even argued that The Origin of Species should have been called The Origin of Adaptations because Darwin âconfused adaptation within lineages with the origin of new lineagesâ. J. A. Coyne, âErnst Mayr and the Origin of Speciesâ, Evolution48(1), 19â30 (1994), at p. 19.
76 Mayr, op. cit. (note 70), p. 357.
77 Pfennig and Pfennig, op. cit. (note 70).
78 Darwin to Murray, op. cit. (note 50).
79 This was also the way in which he, in the Sketch, first formulated the idea of natural selection.
80 Another, historiographical question is whether or not Darwin later regretted having ended up with this specific title. He developed mixed feelings about the phrase ânatural selectionâ and sometimes used Herbert Spencer's phrase âthe survival of the fittestâ but, as far as I know, never criticized the title of his magnum opus and he also never coined an alternative title for The Origin. The fact that the title of foreign editions of The Origin (e.g., Ăber die Entstehung der Arten im Thier- und Pflanzen-Reich durch natĂŒrliche ZĂŒchtung, oder, Erhaltung der vervollkommneten Rassen im Kampfe um's Daseyn, 1860) was, generally, very similar to the English title maybe also indicates that Darwin was not unhappy with his choice as foreign editions of books offer a good opportunity to launch a new, improved title. The Origin was translated in twenty-nine languages, a number that is higher than that of any other science book, except for the first books of Euclid (see http://darwin-online.org.uk/EditorialIntroductions/Freeman_OntheOriginofSpecies.html).
Â
 THE DEVIL IS NEVER SHAMED WHEN TRUTH IS TOLD!!! FRANCE IS AN OPEN ZIONIST-ISRAEL STATE!!! BAFS
Not Israeli Independence but Palestinian Nakba!!!
ORIGINAL TITLE:
Israeli Independence or Palestinian Nakba?
VT's Dr. Elias Akleh shames EU Leadership, Relives Human Catastrophe that is Al-Nakba
By Dr. Elias Akleh
Last Wednesday, April 26th, the German national Ursula Gertrud von der Leyen, serving as the president of the European Commission, shamelessly tweeted the following congratulation to the religiously racist genocidal colonial Israeli terrorist state for its 75th illegitimate founding anniversary on stolen Palestinian land:
â75 years ago, a dream was realized with Israelâs independent state. After the greatest tragedy of human history, the Jewish people could finally build a home in the promised land. Today we celebrate 75 years of a vibrant democracy in the heart of the Middle East, 75 years of dynamism, ingenuity, and ground-breaking innovations. You have literally made the desert bloom, as I could see during my visit to Negev last year. Today we also celebrate 75 years of friendship between Israel and Europe. We have more in common than geography would suggest. Our shared culture, our values, and hundreds of thousands of dual Israeli European citizens have created a deep connection between us. Europe and Israel are bound to be friends and allies. Your freedom is our freedom. Happy birthday to all the people of Israel.â
75 years ago, the illusory âdreamâ of the alleged âIsraelâs independent stateâ, Ursula mentioned was accomplished by the Zionist militia terrorist gangs of Irgun and the Haganah through multiple brutal genocides of Palestinian civilians, erasure of more than 520 Palestinian towns and villages, the eviction and ethnic cleansing of 800,000 Palestinians and a massive land theft.

This Israeli dream has never been an âindependent stateâ. It is a
frontal military base for the Western colonial power as expressed by
many American military leaders. This state/base could not function on
its own. It depends on Western military and financial support mainly
from the United States, whose successive presidents ignore the
ever-growing homeless population, the economic and unemployment crisis,
the messed-up educational system, the unaffordable prices of medical
care, the deteriorating basic
infrastructures, and many other racial and social-cultural issues, but
give Israel almost $4 billion annually, plus all the military weapon
systems.
Ursula also mentioned âthe greatest tragedy of human historyâ, hinting to the alleged Holocaust although not mention it by name due to her German upbringing. German youths are intensely brainwashed with the holocaust myth since elementary school to instill guilt feelings in their psyche, thus making them vulnerable and easier to manipulate. This alleged holocaust is not the greatest tragedy in human history.
Ursula should be reminded of the hundred million Native American genocides, almost the same number of black African natives kidnapped from their homeland and shipped to be sold as slaves in America â the so-called new promised land- hundreds of thousands of them died while being shipped across the ocean, hundreds of millions of Christian Russians in the Gulag, the Ukrainian Holodomor, the Armenian genocide, and the on-going genocides of tens of millions of Arabs in the Middle Eastern region among many other tragedies perpetrated mainly by France, Britain, and the US.
Ursula has repeated the Judaic pagan religious myth of âthe promised landâ indicating the central Judaic belief of a racist god, who loves only the Jews but not the rest of his created human races. I wonder how this concept fit in Ursulaâs Christian Democratic Union political party and in her Christian upbringing. Does she believe she is loved by God?

Ursula celebrates Israelâs âvibrant democracy in the heart of the
Middle Eastâ hinting that election is real democracy and the myth that
Israel is the only democracy in the Middle East. We do have democratic
elections in Arab countries in the region such as Egypt, Lebanon, and
Syria; democracies that Israel and the USA are trying hard to sabotage
and destroy. Besides, the belief that election means democracy is a
misleading idea. We witness the dictatorship of elected democracy in
many so-called democratic countries, where one party would control the
government according to their own whims while ignoring the needs of
other parties as we see in Israel and
in the USA.
Ursula may ignore that the Palestinians as no-class citizens in this Israeli vibrant democracy, yet it is not as easy to ignore the class and race inequality and struggle in the skewed Israeli society. Israelis come in different and usually contradictory flavors. We have the Zionist colonial Ashkenazim (Khazars) of east European descent, the eastern Mizrahim or Sephardim Jews from Arabic countries and from Iran, the separatist Russian Jews, the non-Zionist ultra-Orthodox god-fearing Haredim Jews, and the fascist national religious Zionists settlers. Let us also not forget here the discriminated against, oppressed, and persecuted black Ethiopian Jews (the Israeli Niggers).
Each has its own religious and conflicting political agenda that conflicts with the so-called vibrant democracy. What keeps them together is their âdynamismâ/infiltration, their âingenuityâ/debt usury Federal Reserve banking system, their âground-braking innovationsâ/ spying technologies, sexually deviant propaganda, and media manipulation, summed together in their religious hatred for all goyim.
Ursula, again, repeats the Zionist myth of Israelis âhave literally made the desert bloomâ. The fact is that Palestine is a very fertile land part of the famous Fertile Crescent of the region. Palestinians had made Palestine a green agricultural heaven for the last thousands of years. Palestinians were major exporters of major foodstuffs to European countries. Palestinian sea ports have been major trade hubs between East and West. Palestine was a major trade and cultural center for the Old World. Palestine exported culture, scientific achievements, major philosophy, and the three major religions to the whole world and particularly to pagan old Europe.
Israelis have damaged this Palestinian blooming heaven. Colonial Zionist Israelis had damaged Palestinian fertile agricultural fields using bulldozers to uproot hundreds of thousands of ancient fruit and olive trees in order to build their illegal colonies. They use planes to spray poisonous chemicals on vine and vegetable fields, they poison water wells to kill farm animals, and extremist settlers routinely conduct day and night raids against Palestinian fields to steal crops and burn trees under the protection of the Israeli army. For the last 75 years, Palestinian land had been irrigated with the blood of Palestinian victims, particularly the blood of women and children massacred by Israeli terrorists.
Ursula claims to celebrate âfriendship between Israel and Europeâ⊠due to âshared culture and values.â I wonder what friendship, shared cultures, and values she is talking about. History shows that Jews had been persecuted and evicted from every European country because of their elitist unique culture and anti-goyim values. Such persecutions and evictions were motivated by Christian religious hatred against the Ashkenazi anti-Christian Talmudic beliefs. If Ursula really believes that Israel and Europe are friends due to shared culture and values, why then wouldnât Europe allow those Israelis to make Europe bloom instead of persecuting them and evicting them from every European country?
Contrary to what pro-Zionist politicians want you to believe, authentic Jews â Mizrahim and Haredim- were welcomed in the Muslim Arab countries as well as in Iran, where they had enjoyed safe and prosperous life and had even occupied political offices. The reasons for this are that Islam commands followers to respect and accept âthe people of the Bookâ â Jews and Christians -, and that there is no difference between a Muslim and a foreigner except in belief in God.
As a president of a globally important position the president of the European Commission, and as a graduate of famous German and British universities, Ursula Gertrud von der Leyen is expected to be more informed of world history and political issues, to possess compassion and understanding of peoplesâ sufferings, and to express integrity, responsibility, and neutrality rather than regurgitating and encouraging Zionist terrorist racist myths of anti-Palestinian tropes, that whitewash and encourage the on-going Israeli genocide of Palestinians â one Nakba (catastrophe) after another.
Ursulaâs narrative perpetuates the continued and racist denial of the Palestinian Nakba and their right to return to their homeland. It whitewashes and justifies Zionist Israelâs 75 years of illegal occupation, apartheid regime, ethnic cleansing, land theft, and war crimes.
Ursulaâs narrative can be paraphrased in the following words:
âToday we celebrate the 75 years of Israelâs continued violent occupation of the Palestinian homeland, the Israeli brutality with which Palestinians were ethnically cleansed out of their homes and rendered refugees, the successful Israeli violations of all international laws and all human rights, the preservation of Israelâs apartheid regime, Israelâs anti-religious anti-goyim hatred, and the inability and unwillingness of the international community to curtail Israeli terror.â
One day, many like Ursula Gertrud von der Leyen will lower their haughty heads and sights to the ground in shame, when they realize the evil they had defended and the heroes they had ridiculed.

Dr. Elias Akleh is an Arab-American from Palestinian descent. His family was evicted from Haifa, Palestine after the 1948 Nakba when Zionists stole his familyâs property. Then the family was evicted again from the West Bank during the 1967 Naksah, after Zionists again, occupied the rest of Palestine.
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Je sais pas vraiment ce que câest imam a dit pour enfreindre la loi sur le sĂ©paratisme mais il devrait assister Ă son procĂšs et ne pas sâenfuir comme un vulgaire dĂ©linquant. MĂȘme Socrate jugĂ© pour pervertir la jeunesse grecque a assistĂ© Ă son jugement car il avait raison mais il voulait se conformer a la loi de sa citĂ©.
Allons Ak83000, on peut philosopher hors du rĂ©el. Comment reviendrait-il alors que la France lâa expulsĂ©e, comment faire comme si le jugement nâĂ©tait pas Ă©crit dâavance? Parce que tu imagines vraiment quâen fĂ©vrier, un jugement lui sera favorable contre le gouvernement? Ce quâil a fait, eh bien il nâa rien fait de oparticulier. Ses vidĂ©os sont moralisantes, mais pas trĂšs fortes, allons, ce nâest pas une insulte, câest un constat, mettons quâil sâadressait bien aux jeunes quâil savait calmer, contenir. Sur le plan du droit, je ne vois pas ce quâon lui reproche. Ah si, il y a le troll Zemmourien ici, le fameux Leroy, qui lui reproche de nâavoir pas demandĂ© la nationalitĂ© Française, bien que nĂ© en France. Il pouvait, dâailleurs câeut Ă©tĂ© cohĂ©rent avec ses encouragements au votte et aux participations citoyennes. Probablement un oubli, mais ce nâest Ă©crit nulle part quâun iman ou autre soit expulsĂ© sâil ne demande pas la nationalitĂ© Française que je sache.
Croissant de lune.
Si jâai bien compris ,on accuse cet homme, parcequâun politique, le ministre de lâIntĂ©rieur a annoncĂ© sur Twitter, jeudi 28 juillet :
« Ce prĂ©dicateur tient depuis des annĂ©es un discours haineux Ă lâencontre des valeurs de la France, contraire Ă nos principes de laĂŻcitĂ© et dâĂ©galitĂ© entre les femmes et les hommes. Il sera expulsĂ© du territoire français »,
Donc, depuis des annĂ©es, cet homme est dans lâerreur selon ce ministre, et sans que personne ne le mette Ă lâordre, ni meme lui faire la remarque.
Quand on veut se debarasser dâune personne, on la pousse dans lâerreur, et en lui montrant un terrain ami, Ă la limite neutre, ce qui permet de constituer un dossier dâaccusation, avec des chefs dâaccusation flous, atteinte Ă la suretĂ© de lâetat, propos opposĂ©es aux valeurs de la laicitĂ©.
Ce dossier servira dans un possible chantage, sinon câest lâexpulsion.
Dans mon passĂ© en France, le pouvoir, pour controler les discours dans les mosquĂ©es, nâenvoit pas des hommes, ce nâetait pas sage dâun point de vue securitaire, et ça finit par une bagarre, alors on envoyait plutot des femmes.
En sortant des mosquées , les fideles voyaient ces femmes, et comprenaient bien la presence de ces femmes, mais ils laissent faire.
SacrĂ© Darmanin ! Pour se faire mousser, il est de bon ton de pratiquer lâagitation mĂ©diatique, histoire de dire quâil dĂ©fend bec et ongles la republique et quâil est actif pour nous protĂ©ger des vilains imams. Exit la violence, le chĂŽmage, le pouvoir dâachat, la rĂ©forme des retraitesâŠ
Il faut par ailleurs se rendre hĂ©las Ă lâĂ©vidence quant Ă la libertĂ© dâexpression dans notre pays, qui est Ă gĂ©omĂ©trie ultravariable. Un petit tour sur CNews vous permettra de voir que les riouffoleries agrĂ©mentĂ©es de la sauce Praud ont encore un bel avenir. Il est possible de traĂźner les citoyens de confession musulmane dans la boue, sans que les laicards de cours de recreation ne pipent mot. Quant Ă Hassan Iquioussen, on dĂ©terre une vidĂ©o vieille de 15 ou 20 ans pour laquelle il sâest expliquĂ©. Mais quand un politicard galvanisĂ© par les mĂ©dias a quelquâun dans le viseur, il est difficile dây Ă©chapper, câest une question dâhonneur politique. Les recours de lâavocate de lâimam devraient encore alimenter les plateaux dâexperts, experts en toutâŠ
Nâoublions pas sur Cnews, Morandini condamnĂ© pour « corruption de mineurs » mais qui continue tranquillement Ă faire la morale aux autres lors de ses Ă©missionsâŠ
Câest sĂ»r quâil ne sera pas expulsĂ© lui.
Venergrave, cet islamiste nâest pas un citoyen français puisquâil nâa jamais demandĂ© la nationalitĂ© du pays dans lequel il est nĂ© et quâil ne semble pas beaucoup aimer.
Il nâest donc que marocain et indĂ©sirable en France.
Vous Ă©crivez quâil y a une suite judiciaire en France le 16 fĂ©vrier prochain ?
Et bien laissons donc se dĂ©rouler le cours de la justice française ! Vous dĂ©fieriez-vous dâelle ? Pourquoi ? Son avocate est libre de le dĂ©fendre au mieux quâelle peut.
Sâil y avait une condamnation prononcĂ©e, croyez-vous quâIquioussen reviendrait en France pour sây soumettre ?
@ PIM06, oui mais voyons, comme si la justice fonctionnait toujours en France, comme si lâaffaire nâĂ©tait pas dĂ©jçà tranchĂ©e. Ne viens pas nous raconter que la dĂ©cision en fĂ©vrier pourrait lui ĂȘtre favorable et annuler tout ce qui sâest passĂ©? Il a fui la France espĂ©rant nâĂȘtre pas reconduit au Maroc oĂč il est opposant. Il y en a certains qui ne comprennent ou feignent lâincomprĂ©hension.
Croissant de lune.