HAPPY NEW YEAR!
1967-2020 UN-U.S. AMERICA-ISRAEL'S WAR FOR GREATER ISRAEL IN THE MIDDLE EAST

Re-reading deluded Malika el Aroud's

"THE SOLDIERS OF LIGHT" - 2004!

Nürnberg 2014 - Ode an die Freude

23,998,953 views

•5 Aug 2014

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=a23945btJYw

Ludwig van Beethoven

O friends, not these notes!
O Freunde, nicht diese Töne!

But let's make it more pleasant
Sondern laßt uns angenehmere

tune in and more joyful.
anstimmen und freudenvollere.

Joy!
Freude!

Joy!
Freude!

Joy, beautiful spark of the gods,
Freude, schöner Götterfunken,

Daughter from Elysium,
Tochter aus Elysium,

We enter, drunk with fire,
Wir betreten feuertrunken,

Heavenly, your sanctuary!
Himmlische, dein Heiligthum!

Your spells bind again
Deine Zauber binden wieder

What the fashion strictly divided;
Was die Mode streng geteilt;

All people become brothers,
Alle Menschen werden Brüder,

Where your gentle wing rests.
Wo dein sanfter Flügel weilt.

Your spells bind again
Deine Zauber binden wieder

What the fashion strictly divided;
Was die Mode streng geteilt;

All people become brothers,
Alle Menschen werden Brüder,

Where your gentle wing rests.
Wo dein sanfter Flügel weilt.

Who made the big hit,
Wem der große Wurf gelungen,

To be a friend of a friend;
Eines Freundes Freund zu sein;

Whoever has won a devoted wife,
Wer ein holdes Weib errungen,

Mix in his cheers!
Mische seinen Jubel ein!

Yes, whoever has a soul
Ja, wer auch nur eine Seele

To be called on the earth!
Sein nennt auf dem Erdenrund!

And if you never could, steal
Und wer's nie gekonnt, der stehle

Weeping out of this bunch!
Weinend sich aus diesem Bund!

Yes, whoever has a soul
Ja, wer auch nur eine Seele

To be called on the earth!
Sein nennt auf dem Erdenrund!

And if you never could, steal
Und wer's nie gekonnt, der stehle

Weeping out of this bunch!
Weinend sich aus diesem Bund!

All beings drink joy
Freude trinken alle Wesen

On the breasts of nature;
An den Brüsten der Natur;

All good, all bad
Alle Guten, alle Bösen

Follow her trail of roses.
Folgen ihrer Rosenspur.

She gave us kisses and vines,
Küsse gab sie uns und Reben,

A friend, tested in death;
Einen Freund, geprüft im Tod;

Pleasure was given to the worm,
Wollust ward dem Wurm gegeben,

And the cherub stands before God.
Und der Cherub steht vor Gott.

She gave us kisses and vines,
Küsse gab sie uns und Reben,

A friend, tested in death;
Einen Freund, geprüft im Tod;

Pleasure was given to the worm,
Wollust ward dem Wurm gegeben,

And the cherub stands before God.
Und der Cherub steht vor Gott.

Glad how its suns fly
Froh, wie seine Sonnen fliegen

Through the heavenly plan
Durch des Himmels prächt'gen Plan,

Run, brothers, your path,
Laufet, Brüder, eure Bahn,

Happy, like a hero to victory.
Freudig, wie ein Held zum Siegen.

Joy, beautiful spark of the gods,
Freude, schöner Götterfunken,

Daughter from Elysium,
Tochter aus Elysium,

We enter, drunk with fire,
Wir betreten feuertrunken,

Heavenly, your sanctuary!
Himmlische, dein Heiligthum!

Your spells bind again
Deine Zauber binden wieder

What the fashion strictly divided;
Was die Mode streng geteilt;

All people become brothers,
Alle Menschen werden Brüder,

Where your gentle wing rests.
Wo dein sanfter Flügel weilt.

Your spells bind again
Deine Zauber binden wieder

What the fashion strictly divided;
Was die Mode streng geteilt;

All people become brothers,
Alle Menschen werden Brüder,

Where your gentle wing rests.
Wo dein sanfter Flügel weilt.

Be embraced, millions!
Seid umschlungen, Millionen!

This kiss for the whole world!
Diesen Kuß der ganzen Welt!

Be embraced, millions!
Seid umschlungen, Millionen!

This kiss for the whole world!
Diesen Kuß der ganzen Welt!

Brothers, over the starry tent
Brüder, überm Sternenzelt

Must be a dear father.
Muß ein lieber Vater wohnen.

Brothers, over the starry tent
Brüder, überm Sternenzelt

Must be a dear father.
Muß ein lieber Vater wohnen.

You fall down, millions?
Ihr stürzt nieder, Millionen?

Do you suspect the creator, world?
Ahnest du den Schöpfer, Welt?

Find him over the starry tent!
Such' ihn überm Sternenzelt!

He has to live above stars.
Über Sternen muß er wohnen.

He has to live above stars.
Über Sternen muß er wohnen.

Be embraced, millions!
Seid umschlungen, Millionen!

This kiss for the whole world!
Diesen Kuß der ganzen Welt!

Brothers, over the starry tent
Brüder, überm Sternenzelt

Must be a dear father.
Muß ein lieber Vater wohnen.

Be embraced,
Seid umschlungen,

This kiss for the whole world!
Diesen Kuß der ganzen Welt!

Joy, beautiful spark of the gods
Freude, schöner Götterfunken

Daughter from Elysium,
Tochter aus Elysium,

All people become brothers,
Alle Menschen werden Brüder,

Where your gentle wing rests.
Wo dein sanfter Flügel weilt.

Your spells bind again
Deine Zauber binden wieder

What the fashion strictly divided;
Was die Mode streng geteilt;

All people become brothers,
Alle Menschen werden Brüder,

Where your gentle wing rests.
Wo dein sanfter Flügel weilt.

Joy, beautiful spark of god, spark of god.
Freude, schöner Götterfunken, Götterfunken.

Source: Musixmatch

Symphony No. 9, Op. 125

*** I ignore all so-called friends and family of little or no compassion who scavenge the net, pick up ready-made greetings by others, and send them to me without any personal message of sincere concern and affection for me or for human suffering! They all know I hate that, but they always do it! ***
P.S. With extremely few exceptions!

BAFS

Friday, 25 October 2013 - KIRAN JAVED, THE RED VIRGIN RE-INCARNATED - La Vierge Rouge réincarnée - BRENDON LEE O'CONNELLby Ghyslaine ROC

https://muhammad-ali-ben-marcus.blogspot.com/2013/10/the-red-virgin-re-incarnated.html

THE MOTHER OF MAN RAPED, TORTURED AND MURDERED!

IDF - ISRAEL DEATH FORCE

ISIS - ISRAEL SECRET INTELLIGENCE SERVICE

SHUT UP or you will be accused of ANTISEMITISM and end up losing your job, see your family destroyed, and even lose your life!

https://sputniknews.com/middleeast/201609261045706456-us-airstrike-daesh-army/

sputnik International
Middle East15:19 26.09.2016(updated 09:36 27.09.2016)

US air force F-16 jet fighter

The Syrian intelligence possesses an audio recording of conversation between Daesh terrorists and US military prior to the Washington-led coalition's airstrikes on the government troops near Deir ez-Zor on September 17, the speaker of the People's Council of Syria said Monday.

"The Syrian Army intercepted a conversation between the Americans and Daesh before the air raid on Deir ez-Zor", Hadiya Khalaf Abbas said as quoted by the Al Mayadeen broadcaster.

US warplanes hit Syrian government troops near the eastern city of Deir ez-Zor on September 17, leaving 62 military personnel killed and a hundred wounded. The Pentagon said initially that the airstrike was a mistake and targeted Daesh militants.

The head of the Syrian parliament added during her visit to Iran that after the coalition's airstrikes on the government troops US military directed terrorists' attack on the Syrian army.

Syrian state television reported that 43 people, including children, were killed by an air strike carried out by US-led coalition on the Jumaili neighborhood in the Syrian city of Raqqa, which is controlled by Daesh.

Andrew Bacevich: Questioning U.S.-Israel Ties Has Long Been Impermissible in Congress, But That’s Changing http://ow.ly/PSEC30nXx3j

Andrew Bacevich on The New American Militarism

http://www.softpanorama.org/Skeptics/Political_skeptic/Neocons/Militarism/new_american_militarism.shtml

Softpanorama

May the source be with you, but remember the KISS principle ;-)
Skepticism and critical thinking is not panacea, but can help to understand the world better

“As many frustrated Americans who have joined the Tea Party realize, we cannot stand against big government at home while supporting it abroad. We cannot talk about fiscal responsibility while spending trillions on occupying and bullying the rest of the world. We cannot talk about the budget deficit and spiraling domestic spending without looking at the costs of maintaining an American empire of more than 700 military bases in more than 120 foreign countries. We cannot pat ourselves on the back for cutting a few thousand dollars from a nature preserve or an inner-city swimming pool at home while turning a blind eye to a Pentagon budget that nearly equals those of the rest of the world combined.”

– Ron Paul

News	Jingoism of the US neoliberal elite	Recommended Links	The History of Media-Military-Industrial Complex Concept	American Exceptionalism	War is Racket
The Deep State	Anatol Leiven on American Messianism	Neocons	Neocon foreign policy is a disaster for the USA	The Deep State	Neoliberalism as Trotskyism for the rich
Non-Interventionism	Right to protect	Bacevich Videos	American Imperialism, Transnational Capitalist Class and Globalization of Capitalism	Mayberry Machiavellians	Neoliberalism as a New Form of Corporatism
American Exceptionalism	Brexit revisited: Ethno-linguistic and "Cultural" Nationalism as antidote to Neoliberalism	Neoconservatism as an attack dog of neoliberalism	Neocolonialism as Financial Imperialism	Predator state	War is Racket
Propaganda as creation of artificial reality	Civil war in Ukraine	Syria civil war	Looting pays dividends to empire	Co-opting of the Human Rights industry by the US to attack and embarrass governments who oppose neoliberalism	The Grand Chessboard
National Security State	Resurgence of neofascism as reaction on crisis of neoliberalism and neoliberal globalization	Inside "democracy promotion" hypocrisy fair	Big Uncle is Watching You	Humor	Etc

Below is a wrong perspective of the real issues at stake, the US PERSPECTIVE!

‘America’s War for the Greater Middle East,’ by Andrew J. Bacevich

Credit...Alexander Joe/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images

When you purchase an independently reviewed book through our site, we earn an affiliate commission.

By David Rohde

April 15, 2016

AMERICA’S WAR FOR THE GREATER MIDDLE EAST
A Military History
By Andrew J. Bacevich
Illustrated. 453 pp. Random House. $30.

In the opening chapter of his latest book, the military historian Andrew J. Bacevich blames Jimmy Carter, a president commonly viewed as more meek than martial, for unwittingly spawning 35 years of American military intervention in the Middle East. Bacevich argues that three mistakes by Carter set precedents that led to decades of squandered American lives and treasure.

First, Carter called on Americans to stop worshiping “self-indulgence and consumption” and join a nationwide effort to conserve energy. Self-sacrifice, he argued in what is now widely derided as Carter’s “malaise speech,” would free Americans from their dependence on foreign oil and “help us to conquer the crisis of the spirit in our country.”

The President came across as more hectoring pastor than a visionary leader, Bacevich argues in “America’s War for the Greater Middle East.” His guileless approach squandered an opportunity to persuade Americans reeling from high foreign oil prices to trade “dependence for autonomy.”

Carter’s second mistake was authorizing American support to guerrillas fighting a Soviet-backed regime in Afghanistan, a move that eventually helped fuel the spread of radical Islam. Finally, in a misguided effort to counter views that he was “too soft,” Carter declared that the United States would respond with military force to any outside effort to seize Persian Gulf oil fields. “This statement, subsequently enshrined as the Carter Doctrine, inaugurated America’s war for the greater Middle East,” Bacevich writes.

This book, Bacevich’s eighth, extends his string of brutal, bracing and essential critiques of the pernicious role of reflexive militarism in American foreign policy. As in past books, Bacevich is thought-provoking, profane and fearless. Assailing generals, journalists and foreign policy experts alike, he links together more than a dozen military interventions that span 35 years and declares them a single war. Bacevich analyzes each intervention, looking for common themes from Carter’s late 1970s missteps to Barack Obama’s widespread use of assassination by drone strike today.

Washington’s penchant for intervention, Bacevich contends, is driven by more than America’s thirst for oil or the military-industrial complex’s need for new enemies. In addition to these two factors, he argues that “a deeply pernicious collective naïveté” among both Republicans and Democrats spawns interventions doomed by “confusion and incoherence.”

The ultimate responsibility for the United States’ actions lies with an “oblivious” American public engrossed in “shallow digital enthusiasms and the worship of celebrity,” Bacevich writes. Americans support freedom, democracy and prosperity in other nations, he tells us, as long as they get the lion’s share of it.

“Ensuring that Americans enjoy their rightful quota (which is to say, more than their fair share) of freedom, abundance and security comes first,” Bacevich says. “Everything else figures as an afterthought.”

Bacevich’s argument is heavy-handed at times, but when he writes about military strategy, he is genuinely incisive. Citing numerous examples, he convincingly argues that destructive myths about the efficacy of American military power blind policy makers, generals and voters. The use of overwhelming lethal force does not immediately cause dictators or terrorists to turn tail and run, even if that’s what politicians in Washington want to believe. Rather, it often leads to resentment, chaos and resistance.

A presumption that using military power signified to friends and foes that Washington was getting serious about a problem diminished the role of diplomats and diplomacy. “ ‘Getting serious’ also implied a preference for uniforms over suits as the principal agents of U.S. policy,” Bacevich writes. “Henceforth, rather than military power serving as the handmaiden of diplomacy, the reverse would be true.”

In another repeated mistake, triumphalist American commanders prematurely declare victory without realizing that their opponent has simply withdrawn to fight another day as a guerrilla force, as occurred in Afghanistan in 2001. They also personalize the enemy, wrongly assuming that the removal of figures like Saddam Hussein, Osama bin Laden and Muammar Qaddafi will instantly end conflict.

From Somalia in 1993 to Yemen today, American commanders and policy makers overestimated the advantage American military technology bestows on them. And most crucially of all, the United States has failed to decide whether it is, in fact, at war.

“In the war for the greater Middle East, the United States chose neither to contain nor to crush, instead charting a course midway in between,” Bacevich writes. “Instead of intimidating, U.S. military efforts have annoyed, incited and generally communicated a lack of both competence and determination.” The historical forces at work in the Middle East are different from the dynamics that led to American victories in World War II and the Cold War. American officials have failed to understand that. What’s more, a deluded Washington foreign policy establishment believes that an American way of life based on “consumption and choice” will be accepted over time in the “Islamic world.”

But it is here, in his description of the “Islamic world,” that Bacevich stumbles. What is missing in this book about “the greater Middle East” are the people of the greater Middle East.

Bacevich’s most highly developed Muslim character in these pages is Saddam Hussein. The former Afghan president Hamid Karzai is a distant second. Beyond those two, the rest of the world’s estimated 1.6 billion Muslims come across as two-dimensional caricatures.

And so Bacevich lumps together vastly different nationalities — from Bosnians to Iraqis to Somalis — often referring to all of them primarily as “Muslims.” The dizzying complexities of each country’s history, politics, culture, resources and rivalries are missing. And when it comes to how “Muslims” view the world, Bacevich veers into the simplistic essentialism that he accuses Washington policy makers of following.

Bacevich suggests that in the “Islamic world” lifestyles based on “consumption and choice” might not work. Such broad-brush statements might well be considered simplistic and even bigoted if applied to other faiths. Can one contend that a “Christian world,” “Hindu world” or “Jewish world” exists? Are such generalizations analytically useful? Do the world’s hundreds of millions of Muslims practice their faith identically?

As a result of this essentialism, Bacevich glosses over a vital point about the Middle East today: A historic and brutal struggle between radicals and modernists for the future of the region is underway. One can argue that the United States has no place in that fight, but making sweeping generalizations about Muslims as Bacevich does limits our understanding of the forces at work in the region. It also plays into the hands of extremists who seek to divide the world by faith.

In the most troubling passage of the book, Bacevich breezily questions pluralism itself. “According to one of the prevailing shibboleths of the present age, this commingling of cultures is inherently good,” he writes. “It fosters pluralism, thereby enriching everyday life. Yet cultural interaction also induces friction, whether spontaneously generated or instigated by demagogues and provocateurs.”

We do live in a dangerous world, but it is also an inevitably interconnected one. The commingling of cultures cannot be stopped. Nor should it be.

For all that, Bacevich is right that the United States’ reflexive use of armed intervention in the Middle East is folly. An unquestioning faith in military might and an underinvestment in diplomacy has tied Washington in a policy straitjacket. Bacevich’s call for Americans to rethink their nation’s militarized approach to the Middle East is incisive, urgent and essential.